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PROVINCIAL MUSEUM OF ALBERTA
THE BUFFALO LAKE METIS SITE:
A LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY
SETTLEMENT IN THE PARKLAND
OF CENTRAL ALBERTA
Human History
Occasional Paper No. 4
1988
Maurice F.V. Doll
Robert S. Kidd
John P. Day
/dlbena
CULTURE AND MULTICULTURALISM
HISTORICAL RESOURCES DIVISION
HUMAN HISTORY OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES
Occasional Paper titles are published by the Provincial Museum of
Alberta on subjects pertaining to the natural and human history of
Alberta. Potential contributors are requested to submit manuscript
proposals to the Assistant Director, Curatorial, Provincial Museum of
Alberta, 12845-102 Avenue, Edmonton, Alberta T5N 0M6. Manuscripts will
be subjected to an independent review.
Editorial Staff (Human History Subjects)
David J. Goa
Robert S. Kidd
Patricia A. McCormack
Philip H.R. Stepney
W. Bruce McGillivray
Maurice F.V. Doll
Editorial Assistant
Laura M. Pretula
i+i
Library and Archives Bibliotheque et Archives
Canada Canada
Cover
Standing is Abraham Salois, Metis hunter and trader, founder of the
hivernant camp on Buffalo Lake. Also in the photograph are John
Pritchard (who saved Mrs. Gowanlock and Mrs. Delaney at Frog Lake in
1885), his wife Rose Delorme, young son Salomon Pritchard, and infant
daughter, Marie-Rose (Mrs. Joseph Sayers). The photograph was possibly
taken at Red River in 1875. Photograph courtesy of Doug Light, Doug
Light Collection, Calgary.
THE BUFFALO LAKE METIS SITE:
A LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY SETTLEMENT
IN THE PARKLAND OF CENTRAL ALBERTA
Maurice F. V. DoTl
Robert S. Kidd
John P. Day
ProvinciaT Museum of Alberta
Human History
Occasional Paper No. 4
March, 1988
Prepared for:
Published by:
Curatorial Section
Provincial Museum of Alberta
12845 - 102 Avenue
Edmonton, Alberta T5N 0M6
Alberta Culture
and Multicultural ism
Historical Resources
Division
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2015
https://archive.0rg/detaiJ5/buffalolakemtissOOdoll
'iin 1
ABSTRACT
Archaeological Research at a nineteenth century Metis settlement on
Buffalo Lake in the Parkland region near Stettler, Alberta, began in 1970
and continued until 1983. This historic focus was soon accompanied by
research on prehistoric sites in the immediate vicinity, producing a
chronology that now spans approximately 8,000 years.
At the Buffalo Lake Metis site, excavations were conducted at five
cabin locations and surface collections made at several others. Although
no building foundations were entirely excavated, substantial data on
sub-structures were obtained, along with a wide range of late nineteenth
century artifacts and abundant faunal remains
Architectural data, notably the evidence for rejuventation of
fireplaces, suggests seasonal occupation of substantial cabins ranging up
to about 550 square feet in floor area. Pits initially dug to obtain
plastering clays seem to have been subsequently used for storage and
finally for disposal of refuse. Although data on village patterning is
not conclusive, cabins appear to have occurred in clusters following a
ridge of high ground that may have formed virtually an island during
periods of high water. A total of more than 80 cabin localities have now
been identified, confirming documentary indications that the village was
a very large one, supporting at certain times a population of over 1,500
people.
Among the wide range of artifact types recovered, several have been
particularly useful for comparative analysis. Ammunition and ignition
parts suggest a wide range of firearms, perhaps the most sophisticated
arsenal in the northwest at this time. A large number of ceramic
patterns compared through Lynn Sussman's work suggest the relationship of
this site to various others in Canada.
Historical research, particularly in the Oblate archives and in
various government documents, proceeded concurrently with archaeological
analysis. This research complemented archaeology in the delineation of
superstructure types current at the time, and it provided extensive data
on population sizes, distributions, and movements in the Battle River
area. It suggested substantial activity prior to the eventual intensive
occupation of the Buffalo Lake site between 1872 and 1878. Notably, it
focused on several major crises that conditioned the initial settlement
of Buffalo Lake, its continued occupation, and its eventual abandonment.
These were the devastating smallpox epidemic of 1870, the threats of
native warfare that preceeded the treaties, climatic calamities, and the
substitution of Canadian government for the Hudson's Bay Company
administration.
Specialized analyses focussed on the textile remains from the
Buffalo Lake site, directed largely towards identification of fibers and
weaves, and the large mammal remains, with respect to ethnic
identification and ethnic or functional distinctions within the site
itself.
Although studies at Buffalo Lake were curtailed, they have provided
a considerable substantive data base, as well as defining a number of
problems for future investigation.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
THIS MONOGRAPH IS DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF THE LATE PERCY RIDER OF
DONALDA, ALBERTA, A LONG-TIME RESIDENT OF THE BUFFALO LAKE REGION.
Field work at the Buffalo Lake Metis site was funded entirely by the
Department of Culture and Multicultural ism, through the Provincial Museum
of Alberta budget. The initial inspection of the site was made with
Bruce McCorquodale, at that time Head Curator of Human History, who also
supported early phases of the field work.
A number of field crews were involved in various stages of the
Buffalo Lake area projects. Those who assisted Doll and Kidd on the
Metis site were as follows:
1970. David Crone (field supervisor for part of the season), David
Gay, Archie Herbert, Rod Keith, and Sid Stephen.
1971. Ken Arnold (field supervisor for part of the season), David
Gay, Nora Hurlburt, and Rhonda Penny.
1972. Jose Villa-Arce.
1973. Anne Carscallen, Gil Freshauf, Molly Johnson, and Tarjei
Tennessen.
1974. Lorie Le Maguer and Robert Lewis.
1975. Randy Kerr, Ruth McConnell, and Shirleen Smith. Kathy and
Charles Beck provided volunteer assistance for a weekend.
1976. Nora Hurlburt and Shirleen Smith.
1978. Naomi Mullins, Duncan Perry, Shirleen Smith, and Wes
Zwicker. Yvonne Marshall and Lynn Krieger assisted for a time as
volunteers .
1982. Jane Dale and Elizabeth Mann.
1983. Anne Reynolds.
A number of individuals assisted the Buffalo Lake project in other
ways, but in particular we would like to thank the following. Members of
the Rider family (which settled in the Buffalo Lake area about 1909), the
late Percy Rider, Astrid, Ron, Dick, and Linda, provided permission to
work on their land or leasehold, accomodations for the crews,
information, and continued friendship. Herbert Hayes and the late Arthur
Hayes, also long-time residents of the area, afforded us assistance and
additional information.
Permissions were also afforded us by Alberta Energy and Natural
Resources, administrators of the Public Land Act, and the County of
Stettler No. 6. A number of other individuals were involved in the
Buffalo Lake project, but not specifically the Metis site, and their
assistance has been acknowledged elsewhere (Doll 1982).
Hugh Smith, Curator of Mammalogy at the Provincial Museum, provided
continuing assistance with the faunal identifications. Rod Burns,
Ornithology Program, Provincial Museum, assisted in the compilation of
additional wildlife data. Julie Hrapko, Curator of Botany, and her
- v -
assistant Evanne Beacham conducted a botanical survey of the Buffalo Lake
area, with implications for the historic as well as prehistoric sites.
Tom Court and Lillian Hill of the Human History Section aided in hardware
and textile identification.
Research was also assisted by a number of individuals, notably, John
Patrick Day (in addition to his authorship role), Coreen Chiswell, Mary
Malainey, and Anne Reynolds. Comparative material on buttons was
provided by Janice Smith, Curatorial Technician, Historic Costume and
Textile Study Collection, Faculty of Household Economics, University of
Alberta. Doug Cass and Eric Gormley, Archivists, Glenbow Archives,
assisted in the study of manuscript material. Barry Agnew, Curator of
Military History, Glenbow Museum, provided access to firearm collections
and photographs of the Henry rifle. Doug Light of Calgary provided
genealogical information and a photograph of Abraham Salois. Dr. Richard
G. Forbis, Department of Archaeology, University of Calgary made
available for study J. Elliott's material from the Cypress Hills.
Cypress Hills Provincial Park made available R. Bonnichsen's material.
Tom Maccagno made available his collection of Metis artifacts from Lac La
Biche. Through a collaborative project, John Foster, Department of
History, University of Alberta, with his associates Louise Zuk and Robert
Beal, provided bibliographies and historical background, notably in the
area of genealogy. In the course of the project, a number of Archival
resources were drawn upon, directly or indirectly:
Archives Archeveche de St-Boniface
Archives Soeurs Grises de Montreal, Province St. Albert
Edmonton City Archives
Glenbow Alberta Institute Archives
Hudson's Bay Company Archives
Montana Historical Society, Division of Archives and Manuscripts
Provincial Archives of Alberta
Provincial Archives of British Columbia
Provincial Archives of Manitoba
National Archives of Canada
Saskatchewan Archives Board
University of Alberta Archives
Photographs for various preliminary reports were prepared by Karl
Kaesekamp, Jim Blower, and Dennis Hyduk. Artifact photographs in the
present monograph were prepared by Bill Mok and other staff of Audio-
Visual and Exhibit Services, Public Affairs Bureau.
The maps, plans, and profiles were drafted by Judith Golub, with
some of the earlier work by Cathy Clement and others. The cover
photograph was retouched by Bob Plummer, and the cover layout was
prepared by Carolyn Lilgert. Typing of various relevant documents was
accomplished by many individuals, notably Marcella Cristi and Laura
Pretula, with assistance by Karen Gartner, Karen Park, Krys Piwinski, and
Mary Rennie. Elizabeth Macpherson checked the tables and other sections
of the manuscript.
Publication of this monograph was greatly facilitated by Philip H.
R. Stepney.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract iii
Acknowledgements v
Table of Contents vii
List of Tables xvi
List of Figures xvii
I Introduction 1
Background and Objectives of the Buffalo Lake Project 1
Research at Buffalo Lake 3
The Buffalo Lake Region 5
The Buffalo Lake Metis Site 5
Archaeological Field Methods 6
Historical Research 7
Authorship 7
II The Buffalo Lake Metis Site, Historical Prologue,
The Site Before 1872 9
The Upper Saskatchewan Area Prior to 1870 10
The Origins of the Upper Saskatchewan Peoples 11
The Nature of Settlements in the Upper Saskatchewan
Parkland 12
The Crisis of 1870 14
The Smallpox 14
Warfare 16
Confederation 17
Buffalo Lake Before 1872 18
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III The Buffalo Lake Metis Site, History from 1872 to 1878 25
1872 25
1873 31
1874 37
1875 48
1876 54
1877 66
1878 and the Abandonment of the Buffalo Lake Site 71
IV The Buffalo Lake Metis Site, Archaeological
Data, Cabin 3 79
Excavations at Cabin 3 80
The Features of Cabin 3 81
The Wall Lines 81
Feature 1, The Fireplace 82
Feature 2, Large Refuse Pit 83
Feature 3, Small Refuse Pit 83
The Artifacts of Cabin 3 84
Method of Analysis 84
Hunting 84
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts 89
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance 92
Transportation 104
Dress and Ornamentation 106
Religion 115
Native Industries 116
Fauna! Materials from Cabin 3 118
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V The Archaeological Data, Cabin 1 121
The Relationship of Cabin 1 and Cabin 2 121
Excavations at Cabins 1 and 2 121
The Features of Cabin 1 122
The Wall Lines 122
Feature 1, The Fireplace 124
Feature 2, The Ash Concentration 125
The Artifacts of Cabin 1 126
Method of Analysis 126
Hunting 126
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts 127
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance 131
Transportation 136
Recreation and Smoking 136
Dress and Ornamentation 137
Native Industries 139
Fauna! Materials from Cabin 1 139
Distributions in Cabin 1 140
Cabin 1 , Discussion 141
VI The Archaeological Data, Cabin 2 143
Excavations at Cabin 2 143
The Features of Cabin 2 143
The Wall Lines 143
Feature 1, The Fireplace 145
Feature 2, The Refuse Pit 146
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The Artifacts of Cabin 2 146
Method of Presentation 146
Hunting 146
Construction, Blacksmi thing, and Crafts 147
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance 149
Transportation 152
Dress and Ornamentation 153
Native Industries 153
The Artifacts from the Refuse Pit of Cabin 2 154
Hunting 154
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts 155
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance 158
Transportation 160
Dress and Ornamentation 161
Native Industries 165
Faunal Materials from Cabin 2 165
Distributions in Cabin 2 166
Cabin 2, Discussion 168
VII The Archaeological Data, Cabin 4 171
Excavations at Cabin 4 171
The Features of Cabin 4 172
Feature 1 , Large Pit 172
Feature 2, The Fireplace 172
Feature 3, Storage Pit 172
Feature 4, Wall Line 172
Feature 5, Pit 173
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Feature 6, Pit 173
Feature 7, Ash Dump 173
The Artifacts of Cabin 4 173
Hunting 173
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts 173
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance 174
Dress and Ornamentation 175
Miscellaneous Unidentified Objects 175
Native Industries 175
The Artifacts from the Refuse Area Adjacent to
Cabin 4 176
Hunting 176
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts 177
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance 178
Transportation 180
Dress and Ornamentation 180
Recreation and Smoking 180
Native Industries 181
Discussion 181
VIII The Archaeological Data, Cabin 5 185
Excavations at Cabin 5 185
Specific Objectives 185
Excavation Methods 186
The Features of Cabin 5 187
The Wall Lines 187
Feature 1, Large Mound 187
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Feature 2, Large Depression 187
Feature 3, Depression, and Feature 3A, Mound 187
Feature 4, Small Depression 187
Feature 5, Small Depression 188
Feature 6, Large Depression 188
Features 7, 8, 9, and 10, Clay Ridges 188
Feature 11, Small Depression 189
Feature 12, Depression 189
Feature 13, Ridge 189
Feature 14, Ridge 189
Feature 15, Ridge 189
Discussion 189
The Artifacts of Cabin 5 190
Hunting 190
Construction, Blacksmi thing, and Crafts 192
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance 193
Transportation 196
Dress and Ornamentation 196
Miscellaneous Unidentified Objects 200
Native Industries 201
Faunal Materials from Cabin 5 201
IX The Archaeological Data, Surface Collected
Material from Cabins 6 to 12 203
Introduction 203
Cabin 6 203
Cabin 7 203
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Cabin 8 204
Cabins 9, 10, 11, and 12 204
The Artifacts of Cabins 6 to 12 205
Hunting 205
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts 205
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance 206
Dress and Ornamentation 207
Native Industries 208
Faunal Materials from Cabins 6 to 12 208
Discussion 208
X Comparisons 211
Metis Wintering sites 211
The Cypress Hills 211
Ecological Comparisons, Elliott 212
Architectural Comparisons, Elliott 213
Artifactual Comparisons, Elliott 214
Faunal Comparisons, Elliott 216
Architectural Comparisons, Bonnichsen 216
Artifactual Comparisons, Bonnichsen 217
The Green Wintering Site 219
Architecture 219
Artifacts 220
Discussion 220
Lac La Biche 220
Batoche 221
La Petite Ville 221
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Free Traders' Posts 222
Solomon's Post 222
Architecture 222
Artifacts 222
FarwelTs Post 223
Architecture 223
Artifacts 223
Faunal Material 223
Documentary Material 224
Discussion 224
Hudson's Bay Company Posts 225
Victoria Post 225
Architectural Comparisons 225
Artifactual Comparisons 226
Discussion 227
Rocky Mountain House 227
Fort Pitt, Battleford, Fort Carlton,
Last Mountain House, Upper and Lower Fort Garry 228
Summary Discussion 229
XI Conclusions 231
References Cited 235
Figures 257
Appendix I The Buffalo Lake Metis Site Textiles, by
Barbara F. Schweger 331
Characterization of the Buffalo Lake
Textile Artifacts 331
Materials and Methods 333
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Results and Discussion 335
Cabin 2, Refuse Pit 335
Cabin 3, Feature 2 336
Cabin 3, Feature 3, Small Interior Cellar 336
Cabin 5, Feature 6, Interior of Cabin 337
Summary 338
References Cited 339
Table 1 340
Appendix II Fauna! Remains at the Buffalo Lake Metis
Site, by Brian P. Kooyman 341
Bone Frequency, Ethnicity, and Status 342
Butchering Patterns, Ethnicity, and Status 346
Conclusions 349
References Cited 350
Table 1. Faunal Remains, Buffalo Lake
Metis Site 351
Table 2. Standardized MNI Values and
Meat Values for Buffalo Lake, Cypress,
Hills, and Batoche 354
Table 3. Ethnicity of Buffalo Lake Remains
Based on Standardized MNI Values 356
Table 4. Comparison Between Buffalo Lake,
Batoche, and Cypress Hills Sites 356
Appendix III Artifact and Faunal Tables 359
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Sample of Metis Population,
Battle River Area 24
Table 2. Census of 1874 39
Table 3. Native Populations 41
Table 4. Population Sample in the Battle River
and Bow River Areas, 1865 to 1875 42
Table 5. Hudson's Bay Company Trade in the Upper
Saskatchewan District 75
Table 6. Flat-Head Cut Nails, Cabin 3, Group 1 361
Table 7. Flat-Head Cut Nails, Cabin 3, Group 2 362
Table 8. Flat-Head Cut Nails, Cabin 3, Group 3 364
Table 9. Machine-Cut Nail Shanks, Cabin 3 365
Table 10. Drawn Tubular Bead Analysis, Cabin 3 366
Table 11. Artifacts from Cabin 1 369
Table 12. Faunal Material from Cabin 1 381
Table 13. Artifacts from Cabin 2 384
Table 14. Faunal Material from Cabin 2 401
Table 15. Distribution of Shot Sizes, Cabin 2 407
Table 16. Distribution of Shot by Standard
Sizes, Cabin 2 407
Table 17. Ranking of Functional Categories,
Cabin 1 and Cabin 2 408
Table 18. Comparison of Frequency of Certain
Copeland Patterns in Nineteenth Century
Western Canadian Archaeological Sites 409
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Map of Western Canada, showing Metis wintering
sites and related locations
Figure 2. Present extent of Aspen Parkland and the location
of the Buffalo Lake Metis site, Alberta
Figure 3. Map of Buffalo Lake, showing the locations of
wintering sites and related settlements
Figure 4. Map of Buffalo Lake Metis site, showing locations
of excavated and unexcavated cabins
Figure 5. Buffalo Lake Metis Site. a. View of Boss Hill,
to the southeast, b. The Metis site to the east
Figure 6. a. "Half-breed" house, Wood Mountain Settlement,
Saskatchewan, b. Dawson City, June 1898.
Permanent buildings erected in 1896 or earlier
interspersed with uncompleted buildings and tents
Figure 7. a. Mrs. Michel Vivier, resident of Buffalo
Lake, 1873-1878, with cayuse, tent, and Red
River cart. b. School -chapel of ca. 1876,
showing a style of construction perhaps com-
parable to that at Buffalo Lake.
Figure 8. a. Original home of the Brelands, built ca. 1874.
b. The Jerome Laboucane House, identified as
being built around 1860 (actually about 1875)
Figure 9. Buffalo Lake Metis Site. a. The site to the
east, showing vegetation on the ridge in the
vicinity of cabins, b. Excavations at Cabin 3,
to northwest
Figure 10. Buffalo Lake Metis Site. Cabin 3, plan view
Figure 11. Cabin 3. a. Fireplace (Feature 1), to south-
west, showing the firebox and profile of the
south wall. b. Fireplace, from above
Figure 12. Cabin 3. a. Fireplace (Feature 1), to west-
northwest, showing the uppermost ash layer,
b. Fireplace, to west, showing the second ash
layer
Figure 13. Cabin 3. a. Fireplace (Feature 1), to west,
showing the second ash layer and contiguous
- xvii -
occupation level, b. Fireplace, to southeast,
showing detail of the second ash layer and
contiguous occupation level
Figure 14. Cabin 3. a. Fireplace (Feature 1), to south,
showing profile of clay apron and ash layers,
b. Fireplace. Profile of south wall, showing
clay apron and ash layers
Figure 15. Chimney formerly located in Chimney Coulee,
northwest of Eastend, Saskatchewan. The site
was occupied in approximately 1880-1890
Figure 16. Cabin 3. Interior Storage and Refuse Pit
(Feature 2), profile of east wall
Figure 17. Cabin 3. a. Interior Refuse Pit (Feature 3),
to east. b. Interior Refuse Pit, east wall
prof i le
Figure 18. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Hunting
Figure 19. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Hunting.
Figure 20. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Construction,
Blacksmithing, and Crafts
Figure 21. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance. Ceramics
Figure 22. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance. Ceramics
Figure 23. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance
Figure 24. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance. Glassware
Figure 25. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance
Figure 26. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance
Figure 27. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Transportation
Figure 28. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Dress and
Ornamentation. Buttons
271
272
273
274
275
276
277
278
279
280
281
282
283
284
285
286
- xviii -
Figure 29. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Dress and
Ornamentation. Buttons 287
Figure 30. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Dress and
Ornamentation. Buttons 288
Figure 31. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Dress and
Ornamentation. Beads and Ornaments 289
Figure 32. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Religion 290
Figure 33. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Native Industries 291
Figure 34. Buffalo Lake Metis Site. a. Cabin 1, to
north, showing general location and nature of
vegetation, b. Excavations at Cabin 1, 1971,
to east 292
Figure 35. Cabin 1, plan view, showing wall lines,
Fireplace (Feature 1), and Ash Concentration
(Feature 2). A-B on plan shows location of
profile of Ash Concentration (inset) 293
Figure 36. Cabin 1. a. Earth ridge representing west wall
of the cabin, to north, b. View of same ridge
from above, to southwest 294
Figure 37. Cabin 1. a. Northeast corner of cabin, repre-
sented by traces of timber in the earth, to north,
b. Fireplace (Feature 1 ) , to west. Probable
firebox is in the foreground 295
Figure 38. Cabin 1. Artifacts related to Hunting and to
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts 296
Figure 39. Cabin 1. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance. Ceramics 297
Figure 40. Cabin 1. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance, to
Transportation, and to Recreation and Smoking 298
Figure 41. Cabin 1. Artifacts related to Dress and
Ornamentation 299
Figure 42. Cabin 2. a. Near cabin location, to north,
showing type of vegetation on top of the
ridge, b. Excavations in 1971, to west 300
Figure 43. Cabin 2, plan view, showing wall lines,
Fireplace (Feature 1), and Refuse Pit (Feature 2) 301
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Figure 44. Cabin 2. a. Timber representing north wall of
cabin, from above, b. Refuse Pit (Feature 2),
to north 302
Figure 45. Cabin 2. Artifacts related to Hunting and to
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts 303
Figure 46. Cabin 2. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance, to
Transportation, and to Dress and Ornamentation 304
Figure 47. Cabin 2. Refuse Pit (Feature 2). Artifacts
related to Hunting and to Construction,
Blacksmithing, and Crafts 305
Figure 48. Cabin 2. Refuse Pit. Artifacts related to
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts 306
Figure 49. Cabin 2. Refuse Pit. Artifacts related to
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance 307
Figure 50. Cabin 2. Refuse Pit. Artifacts related to
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance,
to Transportation, and to Dress and Ornamentation 308
Figure 51. Cabin 2. Refuse Pit. Artifacts related to
Dress and Ornamentation and to Native
Industries 309
Figure 52. Buffalo Lake Metis site. Cabin 4, general view
to east, looking along the north wall of the
cabin. The Fireplace (Feature 2) is under the
tree stump in the background 310
Figure 53. Cabin 4, plan view, showing wall lines and
features 311
Figure 54. Cabin 4. Cellar and Refuse Pit (Feature 1),
profile of three walls 312
Figure 55. Cabin 4. a. External Pit (Feature 3), showing
bark lining in profile of west wall, b, Detail
of bark lining in plan view, to west and from
above 313
Figure 56. Cabin 4. Artifacts related to all Categories 314
Figure 57. Cabin 4. Refuse Area. Artifacts related to
Hunting and to Construction, Blacksmithing,
and Crafts 315
- xx -
Figure 58.
Cabin 4. Refuse Area. Artifacts related to
Household, Businesss, and Personal Maintenance
316
Figure 59
Figure 60.
Figure 61 .
Figure 62.
Figure 63,
Figure 64.
Figure 65,
Figure 66,
Figure 67
Figure 68
Figure 69
Figure 70
Figure 71
Cabin 4. Refuse Area. Artifacts related to
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance,
to Transportation, to Dress and Ornamentation,
to Recreation and Smoking, and to Native Industries 317
Buffalo Lake Metis site. Cabin 5. a. The
cabin is in the wooded area to the south of
Cabin 4, which is in the foreground, b. Plan
view, showing excavations, wall lines, and
features, plotted largely from surface
indications 318
Cabin 5. Large Depression (Feature 6),
profile of west and north walls 319
Cabin 5. a. Interior Pit (Feature 6), profile
of west wall. b. Faint indications of wall line
near the south corner of cabin. To southwest 320
Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Hunting and to
Construction, Blacksmi thing, and Crafts 321
Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance. Ceramics 322
Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance and to
Transportation 323
Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Dress and
Ornamentation. Buttons 324
Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Dress and
Ornamentation. Buttons. 325
Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Dress and
Ornamentation and Miscellaneous Unidentified
Objects 326
Cabins 6 to 12. Artifacts related to Hunting,
to Construction, Blacksmi thing, and Crafts, and
to Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance 327
Cabins 6 to 12. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance. Ceramics. 328
Cabins 6 to 12. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance and to Dress
and Ornamentation 329
- xxi -
- xxii -
THE BUFFALO LAKE METIS SITE
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Background and Objectives of the Buffalo Lake Project
The Buffalo Lake Project as a whole was aimed at documenting and
developing a regional archaeological chronology for the Parkland of
central Alberta. As established previously, "a general ecological
framework was used as a guide to research strategy since the location of
plant and animal resources, in very large measure, determined the
location and distribution of past human settlements" (Doll 1982:4).
Research to date has documented six archaeological periods at
Buffalo Lake. The earliest, defined as the Pre-Archaic Period, became
manifest approximately 8000 years B.P. Evidence of human occupation on
Buffalo Lake at that time was excavated from a deeply buried stratum of
the Boss Hill Site, FdPe 4, Locality 2 (Doll 1982). Later prehistoric
occupations on Buffalo Lake were documented at two localities of the Boss
Hill Site. Here, four additional archaeological periods (Frison 1978)
were represented, including the Early, Middle, and Late Plains Archaic
Periods, as well as the Late Prehistoric Period.
Of particular concern was the sixth or Historical Period. The
Provincial Museum of Alberta began research in historical archaeology in
1965. In conjunction with the Historic Sites program at the Museum, the
focus was on the early fur trade (as outlined by Kidd 1987:15-17), with
initial attention towards:
(1) the positive identification, by date and company, of
various fur trade sites;
(2) the recovery in context of a representative collection
of early fur trade artifacts, also facilitating the
achievement of objective 1.
With respect to the individual historic site (Doll 1985:1),
archaeological methods were used to emphasize the following:
(1) the delineation and identification of structural
features within the site;
(2) the identification of construction methods used;
(3) the establishment of the relationship of features
within the site;
- 2 -
(4) the reconstruction of the past environment and
subsistence base through the recovery of fauna! remains
and other organic material;
(5) the qualitative confirmation or delineation of human
behaviors within the site.
With the establishment of a data base and in conjunction with
inter-site comparisons and archival data, Provincial Museum researchers
attempted :
(1) to construct a regional chronology of fur trade
artifacts with reference to form and manufacture, and
perhaps of structural types in the late eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries;
(2) to formulate a set of criteria to distinguish the
major trading companies, in particular the North West and
Hudson's Bay Companies prior to 1821;
(3) to produce a more sophisticated analysis of faunal
materials and of the environment base of the fur trade,
using studies of butchering methods, quantitative
analysis, etc.;
(4) to develop a demographic analysis delineating the fur
trade post population and its composition, with some
reference to the use of impinging environments and the
interaction with satellite populations such as Metis
hunter's camps, temporary Indian encampments, etc.
It was within the context of these objectives that research in
historical archaeology was undertaken at Buffalo Lake. This involved the
systematic archaeological and historical documentation of a late
nineteenth century Metis wintering village situated on the northeast
shore of Buffalo Lake, and located about one kilometre north of the Boss
Hill prehistoric site (Figures 1-3, 5 a).
Marcel Giraud, a noted ethnohistorian, realized almost 30 years ago
the ecological importance of the Parkland to the Metis plain hunters, a
theme which was constant throughout the archaeological research at
Buffalo Lake:
Everywhere, winter-rovers (Hivernants) were attracted by
these wooded, undulating lands which dominate the horizons
of the prairies (like Touchwood Hills and Boss Hill)
because of the resources which they offered, and in spite
of the uncertainty created by the vagaries of climate
[Giraud 1954:13].
The objectives of the field work at Buffalo Lake included the
archaeological documentation of specific clusters of surface features
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thought to be the remains of cabin structures, notably to demonstrate or
disprove cultural uniformity and contemporaneity.
In addition to architectural documentation, the controlled recovery
of artifacts, floral remains, and fauna! remains would provide a sound
basis on which to formulate an economic and ecological interpretation of
site use. Of equal importance was to be the ethnohistoric documentation
of the late nineteenth century Metis, primarily the plain hunters or
winter rovers (hi vernants) , as well as evidence for other groups or
individuals using the site. In fact, the raisons d'etre for the Buffalo
Lake Metis site were not solely economic, but also socio-political and
ecological .
Historical documentation of hi vernants wintering on Buffalo Lake is
sparse for reasons to be suggested in Chapter II of this monograph. It
is primarily confined to unpublished letters and diaries of the French
Oblate missionaries and a few published abstracts from their annual
reports. There are also published references by a few traders and North
West Mounted Police officers who visited the wintering village on Buffalo
Lake. Lastly, there are the parish baptismal and marriage records and
the Metis scrip application records, which enable researchers to document
the presence of a specific person at Buffalo Lake.
Research at Buffalo Lake
In 1959, Dr. Richard G. Forbis, then of the Glenbow Foundation,
initially recorded the Buffalo Lake Metis site, assigning to it the
Borden designation FdPe 1 (Figure 3). The existence and location of the
site, however, had been well known among the local farming community for
at least sixty years prior to its "offical" recording, notably among the
Hearonemus, Rider, and Hayes families (Doll 1983:3).
Although portions of the site had been plundered by unscrupulous
"pothunters," and there has been some inevitable loss to agriculture and
natural decay, it is to the very great credit of the present land owners,
the Rider family, that a good portion of the main site still exists.
Portions to the south of the main site have been protected by the Hayes
family as well .
It was not until 1970 that professional archaeologists began
excavations at the site. Initiated by Robert S. Kidd, Curator of
Archaeology at the Provincial Museum of Alberta, preliminary excavations
were conducted with David Crone in 1970 and Kendal Arnold in 1971 on two
of the more badly disturbed cabin localities (Cabins 1 and 2, Figure 4).
Maurice F. V. Doll, under the general supervision of Kidd, took
responsibility for site survey in 1972 and the field operations of the
Buffalo Lake Project in 1973, with the initial test excavations of
Locality 1 of the Boss Hill prehistoric site. Towards the end of that
field season, follow-up excavations were conducted at the Cabin 2
locality of the Buffalo Lake Metis site, specifically the excavation of a
small refuse pit.
In April of 1974 Doll, acompanied by Rod Burns of the Ornithology
Program at the Provincial Museum of Alberta, conducted a migratory
waterfowl and general wildlife survey along Buffalo Lake as part of a
- 4 -
comprehensive approach to archaeological research. Several of the noted
species were among those whose remains were excavated from the Metis
site. In July of the same year, four days were spent mapping surface
features of the Metis site. In the dense aspen woods and tangled
underbrush, 36 depressions, eight identified fireplace mounds, and nine
other mounds were recorded, excluding the previously excavated Cabins 1
and 2. This total represented essentially 19 clusters that might be
identified with separate buildings (Figure 4).
During the 1975 field season a relatively undisturbed feature
cluster (designated Cabin 3) was selected by Doll for excavation. The
cluster included a relatively large mound and two adjacent depressions
(Figure 4) .
In 1976, a short period of time was spent at the Buffalo Lake Metis
site, and the remainder of one large depression associated with Cabin 3
was excavated.
During the 1977 season the majority of field work concentrated on
prehistoric occupations at the Boss Hill site, with only monitoring of
the Buffalo Lake Metis site.
During the early summer of 1978, part of a previously undisturbed
portion of the Metis site was destroyed by heavy equipment operated by
the County of Stettler. The Archaeological Survey of Alberta and the
County of Stettler were notified, and excavation for a public garbage
dump on the Metis site ceased. At least one cabin and associated
features were destroyed. Remaining surface features were mapped and the
disturbed area surface-collected, but field work focused on the
excavation of an early component of the Boss Hill site, Locality 2 (Doll
1979).
The field season of 1979 again focused on the excavation of
prehistoric components at Locality 1 of the Boss Hill site.
Field work at the Buffalo Lake Metis site was resumed in 1982, at
which time the partial remains of a presumed Metis cabin (designated
Cabin 4) were salvaged prior to total destruction by bulldozer (Figure
4). Four depressions and a mound were excavated. During the latter part
of the same field season excavations were initiated on the remains of one
of the better preserved feature clusters designated Cabin 5 (Figure 4).
Only three one metre by two metre test units were excavated during the
time remaining. Unfortunately the Archaeological Survey of Alberta did
not renew the Provincial Museum's Research Permit and, accordingly, no
further excavations were possible.
Subsequent field work was concerned with identifying and mapping
surface features with an eye to determining the extent of the wintering
site and estimating both the number of cabins and the size of the
population that wintered at Buffalo Lake (Figure 4).
In addition, supporting botancial field work was carried out by
Julie 0. Hrapko, Curator of Botany at the Provincial Museum of Alberta,
in May, 1975, June, 1978, and September, 1979. Some data from Hrapko's
field work have been previously published (see Doll 1982:Appendix I).
- 5 -
The Buffalo Lake Region
The Buffalo Lake region of south-central Alberta (Figures 2, 3, 5 a)
is characterized by a glaciated landscape with numerous moraine and
outwash features. The Buffalo Lake moraine system, in which the Buffalo
Lake Metis site is found, covers the entire eastern part of the Central
Highland physiographic division and extends beyond it to the north and
east (Stalker 1960:8-9). Four other adjacent Metis sites are also
located in wooded areas of similar topographic relief: Salois' Crossing,
near Duhamel , Tail Creek, Todd's Crossing near Ponoka, and possibly Dried
Meat Hill (Figure 1).
Buffalo Lake, the largest lake in the area, is of an interior
drainage type and represents the local base level of deposition. It lies
on the Edmonton Formation and receives considerable amounts of spring
water. Over most of its area, Buffalo Lake ranges from .61 to 1.52
metres in depth. In some portions a maximum depth of 5 metres has been
recorded (Allan and Sanderson 1945:17).
The Buffalo Lake Metis site lies within the Parkland belt at
approximately 53° 47' north latitude and 46° 30* west longitude (Figures
1, 2, 5b). The climate of the area is generally characterized by short,
hot, and sunny summers, and cold, dry winters. The highest temperatures
during the summer exceed 38°C while, in the other extreme, temperatures
have been recorded below -51 °C for the winter (Kendrew and Currie
1955:124; Longley 1972:23).
There is relatively small effective precipitation in the region,
with a mean annual average of approximately 406 mm (Kendrew and Currie
1955:131). About 30 per cent of this total is due to snow.
The Aspen Parkland that characterizes the Buffalo Lake area contains
two major ecosystems: woodland and grassland. These tend to form a
patchwork of aspen stands and irregular open grassy areas. Scattered
throughout are several bodies of water dominated by Buffalo, Boss, and
Lynn Lakes, and including numerous smaller permanent and temporary
sloughs (Figure 3). One would expect to find great diversity in the
floral assemblage, a diversity and richness which is also reflected in
the faunal assemblage of the area (see Doll 1982 for a detailed
discussion) .
The Buffalo Lake Metis Site
The remaining visible portion of the Buffalo Lake Metis site is
situated on a rise of land strategically located between Buffalo and Lynn
Lakes. During periods of high lake levels, this rise forms a peninsula
with very limited access by land (Figures 3, 4, 5a). According to local
residents, this "peninsula" contained the only major source of logs for
construction of houses after the turn of the twentieth century. The
forest growing in the area subsequent to the abandonment of the site by
the Metis hivernants grew uninhibited, being protected by the surrounding
lakes and sloughs until destroyed by a major fire in 1910, which also
destroyed what remained of any cabin superstructures. The peninsula,
except for areas under cultivation, has become reforested since the end
of the Second World War.
- 6 -
The distribution of mounds and depressions, which constitute those
portions of postulated cabin structures visible on the ground surface, is
confined to the reforested areas. The largest concentration conforms
closely to the top of a horseshoe-shaped ridge (Figure 5 b) located along
the northwest corner of the NW 1/4 of Section 11, Township 41, Range 20
west of the Fourth Meridian and the southeast corner of the SW 1/4 of
Section 14, Township 41, Range 20 west of the Fourth Meridian (Figure
4). The central portion of the horseshoe is occupied by a permanent
slough. To the north and west of the ridge are numerous permanent and
temporary ponds and sloughs.
The locations or former locations of approximately 62 cabin features
(defined for purposes of this chapter as single features or clusters
indicative of former structures) have been confirmed in these two quarter
sections, with 38 found in the NW 1/4 of Section 11, and 24 in the SW 1/4
of Section 14. Of the 38 possible features identified in the NW 1/4 of
Section 11, 36 are more or less undisturbed. This total also includes
three features that were selected for excavation and designated Cabins 1,
2, and 3 (Figure 4) .
Of the 24 cabin features identified in the SW 1/4 of Section 14, 19
are still more or less undisturbed.
A number of cabin features were also found on adjacent quarter-
sections. The NE 1/4 of Section 11 contained four cabin features, two of
which were undisturbed. The SE 1/4 of section 14 contained six cabin
features, four of which were undisturbed. In this area two cabins were
partially excavated and designated Cabins 4 and 5 (Figure 4). Cabin 4
was subsequently destroyed by a bulldozer during brush-clearing
operations .
The NW 1/4 of Section 14 contained five cabin features, all of which
were destroyed between 1910 and 1920 in the process of clearing the land
for cultivation.
The NE 1/4 of Section 14 also contained five cabin features, three
of which are still in evidence.
The NW 1/4 of Section 13 had one undisturbed cabin feature, while
the SW 1/4 of Section 2 had five undisturbed cabin features.
Lastly, the NE 1/4 of Section 25, Township 40, Range 20 west of the
Fourth Meridian has the remains of two cabins. Thus, we have been able
to document the locations of approximately 90 cabin features (Figure 4),
74 of which are still relatively undisturbed and worthy of archaeological
investigation.
Archaeological Field Methods
Field methods employed during the course of the Buffalo Lake project
from 1970 to 1982 were generally consistent (see Doll 1977, 1979, 1982,
1983, and Doll and Kidd 1976). The area selected for excavation was
surveyed and mapped using a transit and compass. A grid in metres or
feet was superimposed over the area and tied in to an arbitrary base-line
oriented magnetic north-south. This base-line was in turn tied in to the
surveyed quarter-section lines.
- 7 -
Excavation proceeded by natural and/or cultural stratigraphy, while
at the same time maintaining a continuous series generally of ten
centimetre or six inch arbitrary levels. Trowel and dustpan excavation
techniques were used predominantly. Most of the earth was screened
through one-quarter inch or finer mesh. Provenience of all artifacts was
recorded in three-dimensions and by unit, stratum, level, and feature.
The various levels, walls, and non-portable artifacts or
architectural features were recorded through plan-views and profiles in
conjunction with black-and-white and color photographs. Level bags were
taken to the archaeology laboratory at the Provincial Museum of Alberta
for processing. Some earth fill from refuse pits was collected and
fine-screened for the recovery of microfauna, floral remains, and tiny
artifacts such as seed beads. All materials were catalogued according to
the Provincial Museum accession system. Fauna! remains were identified
using the Museum's reference collection and through the kind assistance
of Hugh Smith, Curator of Mammology.
Historical Research
Concurrent historical research accompanied the archaeological
investigations, with initial concentration on published sources,
including local histories that related to Buffalo Lake. Unpublished
documents consulted were primarily manuscripts contained within the
Oblate Collection at the Provincial Archives of Alberta. However, as the
project progressed, this research was intensified and broadened,
particularly after 1982 when collaboration began between Museum staff and
John Day, a researcher who had spent ten years examining documents
pertinent to the history of Alberta during the nineteenth century.
In August, 1984, an historical research contract was jointly awarded
by Alberta Cultures and Multicultural ism' s Historic Sites Service and the
Provincial Museum of Alberta to John Foster of the Department of History,
University of Alberta. Foster and his assistants compiled an annotated
bibliography and a summary history of the Buffalo Lake Metis Site (Beal
et al. 1986).
Through this and other cooperative efforts of all researchers, oral
histories and genealogies have also been added to the record.
Authorship
In the following chapters, some variation in perspective, style of
reporting, and conclusions may be noted, and, therefore, the specific
responsibilities of the three authors should be clarified at the outset.
Chapter I was written primarily by Maurice Doll.
Chapter II and Chapter III are abbreviated versions of an
approximately 250 page monograph prepared by John Patrick Day, and
intended for publication in full elsewhere.
Chapter IV was authored by Maurice Doll, the primary investigator of
the Buffalo Lake Metis site. This chapter deals with Cabin 3. Since
this was the most productive cabin with respect to both features and
- 8 -
artifacts, it was decided to describe it first, out of numerical and
(excavation) chronological order. This procedure, it was felt, would
facilitate subsequent typology and description.
Chapters V and VI, dealing with Cabins 1 and 2, were authored by
Robert Kidd, who also edited the manuscript.
Chapters VII, VIII, and IX, dealing with Cabins 4 and 5 and with
various surface collections, were authored by Maurice Doll.
Chapter X was authored primarily by Maurice Doll. Chapter XI was
prepared by all three authors.
Appendix I, on the Buffalo Lake Metis site textiles, was authored by
Barbara F. Schweger, and Appendix II, on the Buffalo Lake faunal
material, was authored by Brian P. Kooyman.
CHAPTER II
THE BUFFALO LAKE METIS SITE, HISTORICAL PROLOGUE,
THE SITE BEFORE 1872
The Buffalo Lake Metis site is of great historical as well as
archaeological interest. It was among the largest centres of population
in the North-West of Canada (Figure 1 ) , at least on a seasonal basis,
during a decade of great cultural changes. To a historian, the site
presents an opportunity for three fundamental tests. The first test
relates to North-Western Society as it has been understood from studies
of the Red River Settlements, the Ri el uprisings, and a "Metis" nation.
The second test involves a clear understanding of the changes in the
1870's, and the ability of a society in transition to adapt to such
changes.
A third test is central to this monograph. The strictly historical
data define and illuminate many of the archaeological findings. At the
same time, the archaeological data serve to confirm, deny, or modify the
working hypotheses gathered from documents. The reason for an artifact' s
presence is a historical question, but such historical questions
frequently need archaeological answers. Hence, both disciplines require
each other for a full understanding of the site. Conclusions reached
about this site may modify investigations of other historical communities
and archaeological sites.
The historical record has its difficulties. It is highly specific
in some areas and vague in others. A critical use of documents on
individuals and of genealogies gives a reasonably accurate account of the
people at Buffalo Lake. A chronology of some detail can be assembled,
although it has to be gathered from a very large number of sources. Such
matters as architecture and the occupancy of house units remain highly
problematic .
Although all sources together produce a generally harmonious
picture, their nature is imperfect. Very specific local data are
available, but with rare exceptions, Buffalo Lake is not a direct topic
of discussion: it is mentioned, alluded to, or otherwise indirectly
noticed. Where highly specific data exist, they are for apparently
similar sites such as the South Saskatchewan colonies at St. Laurent
(Figure 1). However, as there were important differences between sites,
comparisons must be carefully made.
A second consideration involves the evaluation of both the direct
and indirect evidence for the people at the site. The North West Half
Breed Scrip Applications (hereafter referred to as Scrip Applications),
claims for river lots and quarter-sections (both in the Interior
Department Papers), and memoirs of people present are essentially
retrospective: referring to events some years after they happened.
Although indispensible, they must also be treated with care, especially
since the use of some place names was highly general (Scrip Applications).
- 10 -
A third consideration arises from the existence of similar, but
possibly not functionally identical, sites described at the time.
Frequently, one must reason from them by analogy.
THE UPPER SASKATCHEWAN AREA PRIOR TO 1870
Buffalo Lake and its people were within the Upper Saskatchewan
District, comprising the western half of the Hudson's Bay Company's
Saskatchewan District (Figure 1; Census Enumeration 1881; Arrowsmith Map
in Thomas et al. 1967:49; Hardisty Papers, Items 291, 315). In practical
terms, the International Boundary was its southern limit, the Continental
Divide its western limit, and a rough line through Jasper, running
alongside the Athabasca River, and through Athabasca Landing was its
approximate northern limit (Census Enumeration 1881). The eastern
boundary fluctuated; but for purpose of this discussion a line drawn just
east of the Victoria (Pakan) settlement seems best.
This geographical area included two distinct Indian "nations," with
an ill-defined neutral territory between them. The Plains, basically
equivalent to "Palliser's Triangle," was the domain of the Blackfoot
Confederacy. The Parkland belt, the mountains, and parts of the northern
woods had a very mixed people; almost any group which was not Blackfoot,
Beaver, or Slave made up this society. Although degrees of "nati veness"
might be recognized, the distinctions between Cree, Assiniboine,
Chipewyan, European, or any mixture of these were relatively unimportant
in comparison to the distinctions between the Upper Saskatchewan people
and the Blackfeet.
The reason for this state of affairs had been well defined before
1870. The two "nations" (or "confederacies") were frequently at war with
each other. Warfare was sometimes interrupted by truces, or agreements
of varying permanence (Palliser 1859-1860:186; Dempsey 1984:14). It was
not thought an exaggeration by Europeans to call these agreements
"peaces" and "treaties" (Edmonton Post Journals, December 9-10, 1862;
Tache 1869:264). Some of the neutral territory was disputed and some
agreed upon. It should be remembered, however, that this territory was
not at all well defined, and a sort of "front" moved northwards or
southwards as the fortunes of war dictated. (Sissons 1946:163-167; Butler
1873:386; Edmonton Post Journals, 1857-1872).
The nominal rulers of the country, the Hudson's Bay Company, and
later the Canadian government, could be compared to panes of glass laid
on top of this polity (Shalka 1973; Ray 1981). They were recognized as
agents of the Crown, and at least the Hudson's Bay Company's officers
could act as mediators. From the Company's point of view, its own
interests were not difficult to enforce as long as local realities were
respected. Its writ was absolute within its posts, and banning an
individual from them made him a literal "outlaw." However, the Company's
interest was trade, and this was beneficial to all (Ray 1981). The
benefits of a transfer from the Hudson's Bay Company to Canada were not
so clear, and concern was expressed (Edmonton Post Journals, April 13,
1871; Morris 1880:169-171; Grandin, Transcripts, Vol 9, January 18, 1870,
November 27, 1870).
-TI-
THE ORIGINS OF THE UPPER SASKATCHEWAN PEOPLES
Fur companies penetrated the Upper Saskatchewan in the late 1790's
(Johnson 1967), and their employees included both European and
mixed-blood peoples. The latter were normally the children of European
fathers and native mothers, but the term was also applied to people who
were the offspring of parents from different native nations. Although
affiliation with the fur companies made both groups unwelcome visitors in
the southern Plains, individuals who had become well known and who could
explain their purposes were accepted better by the Blackfeet than were
the Crees. As early as the 1820's, two mixed bloods and former Company
employees, James Bird and Hugh Munro, were able to move about freely in
the Blackfoot country.
Upon the amalgamation of the Hudson's Bay and Northwest Company in
1821, many of the employees became "freemen," which term meant they were
no longer under contract. These people maintained themselves by hunting,
fishing, and doing various odd jobs for the Company. The whereabouts of
these freemen in the 1820's and early 1830's is not easily determined,
although passing reference suggest Northwest Company posts abandoned in
1821, the Beaver Hills, Jasper (Edmonton Post Journals, 1820-1822; Scrip
Applications), and perhaps at Pigeon Lake (Rundle 1977:371, 399).
However, for uncertain reasons, virtually all Metis freemen left for Red
River in the winter of 1834-1835 (Scrip Applications; Simpson 1821-1854,
Correspondence, Rowand to Simpson, January 10, 1834 and January 7, 1835).
There was a devastating smallpox epidemic in 1836 and early 1837
among the Blackfeet, the Stoneys in the Banf f-Morley-Rocky Mountain House
district, and in the Lower Saskatchewan districts between Battleford and
Cumberland. No reports reached company officers at Edmonton until some
months after the epidemic had died down (Simpson 1821-1854, Rowand to
Simpson, November, 1837), and estimates of death cannot be stated with
any accuracy. Upon hearing of this plague, it appears that the freemen
at Red River decided to return to the Upper Saskatchewan. In any case,
various Upper Saskatchewan settlements came into existence about 1838 to
1840 and were occupied, essentially continuously, from that time onwards
(Scrip Appl ications) .
If the available records (Lac Ste. Anne, Liber Animarum, 1842-1859;
Rundle 1977:344-405) can be relied upon, it appears that the settlements
of these freemen expanded very quickly, both in terms of natural growth
and through migration. Possibly a combination of a relatively empty
country, an absence of serious illness, and prosperity either by hunting,
trading, or Company employment may have been the cause. It appears that
the 1850*s saw some crisis or other, particularly between 1856 and 1858,
but after that point, the natural rate of increase produced a doubling of
the population in the Upper Saskatchewan between 1861 and 1870.
In addition, there was a very large increase in population due to
immigration. Contrary to the impressions of scholars who followed in
Marcel Giraud's footsteps (Giraud 1945:1010-1014), these freemen were not
- 12 -
so much associated with a westward movement from Red River, as with a
southward movement from the northern districts. Most persons who came at
this time from Red River or the Lower Saskatchewan districts had actually
been born in the Upper Saskatchewan, or in the north, notably the Lesser
Slave Lake and Peace River areas (Scrip Applications). Only in the
1860's does there seem to have been any substantial migration of people
born in Red River or the Lower Saskatchewan.
Consequently, the Upper Saskatchewan people made up a distinctive
society, essentially indigenous in origin. By 1870, a substantial number
of mixed-blood families had been present either near Edmonton or Peace
River for at least three generations, and the consequent patterns of
intermarriage make present scholarly debates on cultural inheritance
relatively redundant (Scrip Applications; Lacombe 1890). This, combined
with the continuing problem of intermittent warfare with the Blackfoot
Confederacy, produced a more homogeneous society than may have been the
case in other parts of the Canadian Plains, particularly Red River.
What of the more "native" people? The Lac Ste. Anne Liber Animarum
(1842-1859) reveals that although most of "mixed-blood" families involved
Stoney (Assiniboine) or Cree ancestors, there was a reasonably large
minority of families with Blackfoot, and a few with Chipewyan or Beaver
connections. Families with Blackfoot relatives included some names
particularly associated with Buffalo Lake, names such as Bird, Munro, and
Dumont (Day 1986).
There appears to have been rather little contact with those
settlements on the South Saskatchewan associated with Louis Riel until
the 1880's (Scrip Applications; Edmonton Bulletin, January to July, 1885;
Codex Historicus de St. Albert, January-July, 1885; OMI, Dossiers
Personnels, Secular Priests, Bellevaire 1885). The people who migrated
into the Upper Saskatchewan from the Lower Saskatchewan were largely from
Lac La Biche, Whitefish Lake, Fort Pitt, and Fort Carlton (Scrip
Applications; Hardisty Papers, Items 146-150, 556-564). The "classical"
Metis movement, a general retreat from Manitoba westwards and from
Batoche farther to the north and west, happened later than theory
suggests, about 1882-1884 (Andre 1870-1884; Lestanc 1910; Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 4).
THE NATURE OF SETTLEMENTS IN THE UPPER SASKATCHEWAN PARKLAND
There are three matters which require some attention before the
discussion of Buffalo Lake itself. One derives from a misunderstanding
of th\ people, the second from a misunderstanding of documents, and a
third from an unchallenged historical theory.
First of all, the people of the Upper Saskatchewan, particularly the
mixed-bloods, formed a community that was not identical with the
community at Red River. Explorers such as Palliser (1859-1860:26),
clergymen with Red River experience such as Tache (1869:123) and Grandin,
and travellers prior to and during the 1870's such as Southesk (1875),
Milton and Cheadle (Cheadle 1863; Milton and Cheadle 1865), the 1862
Overlanders (Wade 1931: 44-50; McMicking 1964:5), George Grant (1873),
and W. F. Butler (1872), were in general agreement that, as a whole, the
- 13 -
Parkland people were less quarrelsome and defiant than the Red River
community. In general they were aware of events at Red River, however,
at least through free traders, boatmen, and freemen, although there was a
time lag.
Second, the settlements whose foundation occurred from 1838 onwards
were an initiative by the newly arrived (or returned) freemen rather than
missionary foundations. The documents of the missionaries themselves
support this contention: the missions went where people were already to
be found (Tache 1866; 1869:104-118; Thibault 1841-1850; Phi 1 1 i pot
1947-1948; Lacombe 1890). The settlements were normally placed at lakes
with good fishing, and served largely as a pied-a-terre for periods
between hunts.
Third, there remains a question of the degree of "civilization" that
existed in these Parkland settlements. Travellers' accounts tend to be
very favourable, at least in the cases of St. Albert and Lac Ste. Anne.
Internal evidence from scrip returns suggests that Victoria's English
Protestants were well-educated. This is somewhat contrary to historical
orthodoxy, which, although prepared to grant Red River at least a
"neo-archaic" civilization, considers that the Upper Saskatchewan
community was too isolated and too small in numbers to be other than
"primitive" (Morton 1969:1-4; Owram 1980:25; Stanley 1936). This writer
believes that the orthodox idea is very faulty, and some consideration of
the means of making a living therefore becomes necessary.
The first mode of living in the Upper Saskatchewan District was
based on hunting and fishing, usually supplemented by trading excess
supplies with the Hudson's Bay Company or with other traders. Some
dwellers in the Boreal Forest, particularly the Chipewyans and some of
the Lac St. Anne Stoneys, hunted on an individual basis. These people
were not part of the culture built around buffalo hunts, and the
buffalo's demise left them relatively unaffected (Hardisty Papers, Item
1209; Indian Department 1878-1889; 1879-1898, specifically 1879-1881;
Blanchet 1886; Trade Commissioner 1874-1893, D. 20/14, f. 222).
Two quite different Parkland groups were involved with buffalo
hunting: the free residents of the Upper Saskatchewan, and employees or
contractors to the Company. The latter were employed to keep the area's
posts self-supporting, and also to supply posts to the far north and
across the mountains (Edmonton Post Journals; Simpson 1821-1854; Northern
Department Council 1868-1880; Hardisty Papers, Item 1077). The freemen,
who appear to have been much more numerous than most estimates have
indicated, were competitors by their very numbers. The latter were
hunting in very large parties at least from the 1830's, and their level
of organization was sufficiently high to impress most newcomers to the
region (Steele 1915:84-90; Remas 1860-1868, Item 1055; Sissons
1946:89-94; Jamieson 1953; Erasmus 1976:200-208; Charette 1976:84).
One point must be made clear. Both the hunters and many outside
observers were very much aware of the buffalo's probable extinction well
before it happened. There had been shortages of buffalo in the 1830's
and there were two particularly bad years in succession (1848 and 1849).
By this time, Rowand (Simpson 1845-1859, June 24, 1848, June 20, 1853) no
longer considered the buffalo's ultimate extinction in doubt. Although
the sight of a buffalo herd was still awesome, few travellers from Paul
- 14 -
Kane (1968:89) onwards failed to predict their fate. The Blackfeet were
of the same opinion when Palliser's expedition passed through their
territory; moreover they were already hoping to replace the hunts with an
agricultural way of life (Palliser 1859-1960:7, 10-11; Erasmus 1976:60;
Spry 1968:60). The same comment constantly recurs in contemporary
reports of speeches by native leaders. There seems to have been a
miscalculation by most, however, in that the extinction took place much
more quickly than was expected.
At least two other modes of life were becoming alternatives to
hunting: trading and freighting, which were apparently developing rather
early, certainly not later than the 1840's (Simpson 1823-1859, December
21, 1853, Rowand to Simpson; Charette 1976; Griesbach 1958 a, b; Weekes
1939; Erasmus 1976). Although trading in opposition to the Hudson's Bay
Company was frequently strong, particularly at Lac La Biche, most traders
or freighters also began working as free contractors for the Company. A
run of very poor years from June, 1862, to June, 1867, led to a rapid
abandonment of this arrangement, and from that time onwards, most
preferred to avoid dependence on the Company.
Finally, there was the possibility of agriculture. Palliser
observed as early as 1857 that thirty families (possibly 180 people) at
Lac Ste. Anne were entirely dependent on agriculture. In addition, there
were many people who were growing gardens and root crops when they were
not hunting, and, indeed, the hunts were timed to accomodate the care of
crops. Rundle noted vegetable gardens and some wheat-growing at Pigeon
Lake in 1847, where there were natural breaks in the forest. St. Albert
was intended to replace Lac Ste. Anne as an agricultural area and, while
estimates vary, between 100 and 300 people there were living purely by
this means.
There is little direct objective evidence of the effectiveness of
these efforts, prior to the 1880' s. However, both Indian Department
Reports and Interior Department records (Indian Department 1879-1898;
Interior Department Nd., Vol. 273, File 42767/1; Edmonton Bulletin, July
4, 1891; July 25, 1892; December 10, 1894) suggest that the people of the
Upper Saskatchewan were no less successful than American or Ontario
settlers during the early 1880's.
Thus, the people of the Upper Saskatchewan were expecting very great
changes, and some effort was being made to adapt to a new way of life,
well before 1870.
THE CRISIS OF 1870
The year 1870 precipitated or foretold the changes expected. War
and tumult were followed by an epidemic no less devasting, though on a
smaller scale, than the Black Death had been in the Europe of the
1350' s. Rumored and real war and tumult resumed, famine threatened, and
the form of government changed.
The Smallpox
Of these events, the smallpox epidemic was the most decisive.
Indeed, among the Blackfoot Confederacy, it is still "the Great Plague"
- 15 -
(Dempsey 1965; Kathleen Day, personal communication), the illness never
surpassed. Even in areas less badly affected, the memory of it was still
very clear, and a matter of regular conversation as late as the 1940's
(Day 1985).
The illness itself remains somewhat mysterious. The general
symptoms suggest that the strain was viral, and very closely resembled
the 1836-1837 smallpox strain. Neither was a normal smallpox.
Vaccination had been in practice during both epidemics, and as it did not
prevent attacks, the Hudson's Bay Company's officers believed the vaccine
was defective. However, further examination of the documents produces an
alternative conclusion: normal vaccination prevented death. Apparently,
by December, 1870, it was evident that survivors of the 1836-1837 disease
were immune, and, at this time, observers noted that the disease
particularly attacked younger people and recent immigrants.
The symptoms were consistently described. The first indication was
a headache, ranging from negligible to severe, but not an obvious cause
for alarm. However, within a day, the victim became suddenly weak, and
within a short time (not more than twelve hours afterwards) a very high
fever developed. The victim felt a burning sensation, and became
extremely sensitive of touch. This last symptom marked the point at
which the sores that led to subsequent scarring appeared. The crisis of
life or death followed very shortly. A survivor needed four to six weeks
to attain any semblance of health.
The disease was not only severe in the short run, but it normally
led to a prolonged weakness of the body's entire system, and at least
some people were permanently affected. There were usually bad cases of
rheumatoid arthritis, and the entire circulatory system was generally
affected. The doctors of the 1890's described the circulatory illnessess
as "bizarre" (Grandin, Transcripts, Vols. 1-3,; Vol. 5, Part 7). It is
possible that the very high incidence of lung disease and scrofula among
treaty Indians (Lac Ste Anne, Liber Animarum, 1842-1859; Vegreville
1883-1893; 1894; Indian Department, 1879-98, specifically 1883-1898) and
the sometimes fatal effects of alcohol on the native people arise from
the same prolonged weaknesses (Hudsons Bay Company Post Journals, various
posts, especially Rocky Mountain House; Griesbach 1958:1-6; Fryer 1982;
OMI Missions 1874:500-502; Dempsey 1961:12-13). Neither characteristic
seems to have been present prior to 1870. It is also noteworthy that
infant mortality rose sharply during 1870 (Christie 1871; Day 1985),
although as far as one can judge, the life expectancy of adults remained
constant.
The actual rates of death and survival are ultimately matters of
conjecture, particularly since the numbers of Metis, Europeans, and
Indians in the northern half of the Upper Saskatchewan District were
normally underestimated. Ultimately, the best quantitative measurement
of smallpox mortality is the proportion of surviving children (Dempsey
1961:12; Day 1985). This figure steadily declines as the people examined
are located farther to the south. In the northern woods, where about 10%
of all people died, 63% of the survivors were children. In the Edmonton,
St. Albert, and Lac Ste. Anne areas, the individuals' records examined
showed a death rate of 24%; and 57% of the survivors were children. But
among the Blackfoot Confederacy, only 34% of the survivors were
- 16 -
children. Given this relationship, the mortality among the Blackfoot
Confederacy peoples seems to have been about 40%. The Blackfoot tribe
itself may have suffered a mortality of 50%. This is in accord with the
chronology of the disease; it was first observed at Fort Union, Missouri,
in the fall of 1869, was among the Blackfeet in spring of 1870, reached
St. Albert in July, and Fort Carlton about October. Exposure,
exhaustion, and disturbance were additional dangers on the Plains, and
took thei r added tol 1 .
In approximate figures, there were not fewer than 23,740 persons
residing in the Upper Saskatchewan west of Lac La Biche in 1870, of whom
8,610 (35%) died between July and December, 1970. The Metis Scrip
Applications suggest that 254 further deaths occurred in 1871, either
because of the disease or its after-effects, compared to about 640
births. Thus there were about 15,536 people in the same district in
December, 1871.
However, this only accounts for survivors. Both the Company and
missionaries believed that the number of people who fell sick and
recovered was roughly equal to the number of those who died.
Thus, of 23,740 people, between 15,020 and 17,210 were attacked by
the plague. A certain number of the remaining people were immune by
virtue of having suffered and survived the 1836-1837 smallpox. That
number could be as low as 2,600 or as high as 3,600. In short, the
number who escaped both smallpox epidemics did not exceed 6,100 and it
may have been as low as 2,900.
Any disaster of this magnitude will have very great effects. One
obvious result was that people outside the affected area were very
unwilling to move in. At this crucial point in the North-West's
development, therefore, the isolation of the Upper Saskatchewan people
actually increased as far as Manitoba and the Lower Saskatchewan were
concerned. However, contacts with the United States were not affected,
since the Missouri Valley upstream from Fort Union had been infected at
least six to eight months earlier.
Warfare
The casualties among younger adults and children were very high, and
so the population abruptly became much older. The generation best suited
for warfare, men between the ages of fourteen and approximately forty,
was dramatically reduced. The Blackfoot Confederacy, as observed, was
much more devastated than other peoples, and could not maintain a
presence over as large an area; too many warriors were dead. The area of
their domination retreated southwards to a line marked by the Red River,
the Hand Hills, the South Saskatchewan River, and the west side of the
Cypress Hills. The Blackfoot Confederacy was thus still able to maintain
control over a sizeable, if reduced, territory.
The smallpox interrupted a possible war. In addition, it may well
have had significant effects on the buffalo hunts after 1871. The
decrease of the buffalo was a fact well-known among both the indigenous
people and outside observers at least as early as Palliser's time
(Hardisty Papers, Various Items). To some extent, at least the Parkland
people were already seeking other ways to make a living. However, the
- 17 -
date of probable extinction was unknown, the best estimate being that of
Isidore Dumont at Batoche, who placed it between 1885 and 1890 (Hardisty
Papers, Item 143).
An obvious factor is that fewer buffalo were now required to feed
the many fewer people. Occasional indications in the earliest issues of
the Edmonton Bulletin and Indian Department documents leave the
impression that the supply of whitefish for food also temporarily
improved in the later 1870's and early 1880's. It might be argued, then,
that decreased demand owing to the smallpox allowed the buffalo hunts to
last a few more years on the Canadian Plains.
If the buffalo had vanished in 1874 or 1875 instead of 1879, it is
quite possible that the consequences would have been much more serious.
The Treaties between Canada and the native people would not have been in
place, and, whatever their faults, the Treaties did provide a certain
guarantee of available social resources. In 1879 there was a police
force capable of reacting to events and there might not have been in
1874. The appearance of Sitting Bull's Sioux might then have been much
more serious. By 1879, efficient grist and saw mills existed and the
lack of these had previously discouraged agriculture (Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 9, December 29, 1874). Finally, the people had a few
more years to adapt to a society without buffalo.
Among these effects of the smallpox epidemic may be counted the
possibility of a large, quasi-permanent dwelling place in the Buffalo
Lake area. The inability of the Blackfeet to contest control of the
district, the apparent stability of the new peace between the native
peoples, and the continuation of large-scale buffalo hunts into the late
1870's made some sort of permanent gathering place in this district
desi rable.
Confederation
1870 is normally considered as a turning point in northwestern
Canada, owing to that area's coming under Canadian jurisdiction. This is
doubtless all the more so because of the Riel resistance. As an
immediate event, the transfer of sovereignity had little regional
importance, but it cannot be entirely ignored.
The transfer was expected. The Hudson's Bay Company officers were
necessarily informed by the Company's headquarters in London, Montreal,
York Factory, and Fort Garry. The Methodist missionaries were now
supplied from Ontario, and the Roman Catholic Church had begun the
process of instituting a regular diocese at St. Albert in anticipation of
the transfer (Benoit 1904:564-565, 571-577).
However, the Upper Saskatchewan was still very isolated. At best,
news from Red River took a month to arrive (North-West Territories
Legislative Council 1873-1875, September 8, 1873). Lawrence Clarke,
Chief Factor at Fort Carlton, for example, was able to deliver the only
written news of Riel's actions in April, 1870 (Edmonton Post Journals,
April 11, 1870).
In any event, the affairs at Red River were not of immediate
interest. The Upper Saskatchewan would have been unable to do much about
Riel's resistance in any event, and any reliable evidence suggests that
the district either knew little of Riel, or disliked him.
- 18 -
Yet there were common concerns about Confederation. Although John
McDougall was able to obtain an assurance of loyalty from the Stoney
Chiefs on December 16, 1869, the leading men expressed uneasiness at the
absence of a clear government policy (J. McDougall 1870:105-106).
Councils were held among at least the Woods Cree, once it became safe to
gather again, and several Chiefs, under Sweetgrass' leadership, met with
Christie on April 13, 1871 (Edmonton Post Journals; Morris
1880:169-171). They expressed resentment that they had not been
consulted with respect to the land which they continued to regard as
their own, along with concern at the decline of all fur-bearing animals,
the possible resumption of war with the Blackfeet, and the need for both
instructional and material assistance in agricultural training. After a
reasonably friendly meeting, Christie forwarded these matters on to the
new Canadian authorities.
Similarly, on or shortly before December 18, 1870, Grandin presided
over a general meeting of the residents of St. Albert (Edmonton Post
Journals, December 18, 1870; Hardisty Papers, Item 140). The concerns of
this meeting involved three matters. As at Red River, recognition of
existing land holdings, and the establishment of a hunting and trapping
reserve were desired. The meeting also codified the customary hunting
laws, and may, like the St. Laurent Settlement, have proposed
conservation rules. Unlike either of the other settlements, however, the
meeting recognized the requirement that the new government be advised of
these changes before their implementation. Although misunderstandings
prevented a quick resolution, Governor Archibald was able to confirm all
the St. Albert bylaws except the large reserve, which was opposed by the
Company, the Canadian Government, and local non-Metis residents
(Archibald 1871-1872; Christie 1872-1873; Hardisty Papers, Item 140).
The coming of regular government, and the confirmation of the
community's rules resolved most uncertainties regarding the transfer of
power. We may now turn to the Buffalo Lake community itself.
BUFFALO LAKE BEFORE 1872
Although the central years of this discussion lie between 1872 and
1878, the Buffalo Lake site's earlier history requires a brief
examination.
Prehistoric occupation in the Buffalo Lake region was very long in
duration (Doll 1982), perhaps because the district provided the necessary
conditions for continuing seasonal encampment. It lay along a major bird
migration route, and, like Beaverhills and Bittern Lakes, had an
extensive supply of waterfowl. It seems to have had a good stand of
wood, at least of willow and poplar, at all times. Palliser's expedition
thought that it had been much more heavily forested in an unrecorded
past. Thus, fuel, shelter, and building materials were present. It was
perhaps the southernmost point for simultaneous supply of wood and water
for people of the Plains, and the furthest southwards base for Parklands
people.
- 19 -
As a documented historical entity, Buffalo Lake comes only slowly to
notice. Its earliest appearance is as a passing reference in David
Thompson's map and writings (Coues 1897). Hudson's Bay Company records
deriving from Edmonton and referring to Company servants hunting in the
1820's and 1830's are consistent with the hunters being in the area of
Buffalo Lake, but the place itself is not mentioned.
The Reverend Robert Rundle visited the Buffalo Lake vicinity at
least twice, between September 18 and 27 and November 25 and December 1,
1844. On the first occasion, he was at a Cree camp led by Chief
Maskepetoon. Although the exact place cannot be determined with
confidence, it seems that Maskepetoon ' s camp was at or near Spotted Lake.
The November visit is even more obscure as to place. However, a
diary entry refers to his returning to Edmonton on December 2 by
sleighing across the lake and suggests that he had been at the northeast
side (Rundle 1977:166-167). Both Crees and Stoneys were at this place.
The Reverend Albert Lacombe visited the Blackfeet at or near the
lake some time prior to 1859 (March 1857, according to his reckoning).
He thought there were ten camps of about sixty tents each. He was almost
certainly at the northeast side of the lake on this occasion, as he came
by way of the Beaver Hills and Beaver Lake (Lacombe 1890). He also
visited the Tail Creek area, with a view to considering it as an
alternative settlement to Lac Ste. Anne. However, he rejected it as
lacking in suitable building wood, although he believed such wood could
be floated down the Red Deer River (Spry 1968:60).
Palliser himself was at Boss Hill in June, 1859, although it was
then unoccupied. The Rev. Thomas Woolsey was apparently in the region
with Sampson's band in 1861 (Woolsey and McDougall 1861-1870), and in
1865, Lacombe visited a Blackfoot camp in the vicinity attacked by
scarlet fever (Lacombe 1865; Scollen 1862-1864, December 29, 1864). He
was present at a major Cree-Blackfoot battle a short distance northeast
of Buffalo Lake on December 5, 1865 (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 23, May
24, 1866; Lacombe 1866).
Indeed, there are sound reasons for believing that a small permanent
Metis settlement was taking form perhaps as early as late 1861. Several
families of St. Albert origin claimed to have resided in the Battle River
area throughout the decade, and at least two others had been among the
Plains people for some years. The first group comprised the complex of
"Dumont-Salois" families, held together by a tight series of
intermarriages that can be traced back to the late eighteenth century.
The two other families were those founded by Hugh Munro, and James "Jimmy
Jock" Bird. The Dumonts, Munros, and Birds had married into Blackfoot
families, but had not lost confidence among the Stoneys (Spry 1968;
Edmonton Post Journals, ca. 1825-1870; Simpson 1821-1854; Rundle 1976;
Scrip Applications; Lac Ste Anne, Liber Animarum, 1842-1859). The
Salois family, itself closely intermarried to the Dumont family, had
marriage alliances among the Crees and Saulteaux.
It must be pointed out, however, that the term "Battle River," as
used by these families, could equally well describe any point on the
river between Pigeon Lake and the upper end of Dried Meat Lake (Figure
1), as well as Buffalo Lake and the Beaver Lake-Bittern Lake areas.
- 20 -
One thing is very clear about this small Metis group: it was
comprised of trading families. On occasion, they traded on the Company's
behalf, at other times, on their own. In the 1860's, it would have been
difficult for any family occupied with hunting or agriculture to remain
here if it lacked the confidence of any of the upper Saskatchewan peoples.
At this time, Blackfoot parties headed for Edmonton, and Parkland
parties headed for the Plains, would normally have passed Buffalo Lake
(on either side) or Salois' Crossing (Duhamel). True Hudson's Bay
Company trading servants, notably Olivier Bellerose, or free traders,
such as the family of Moise Goulet (Edmonton Post Journals, 1857-1873;
Northern Department Council, 1868-1880; Charette 1976) would be among the
Parkland hunters. In the Battle River area the trading families would be
in a good position to intercept trade going in either direction, and to
anticipate their competitors' strength. As one missionary (Fourmond)
observed, Salois' Crossing was "the entrance to the great prairie" (OMI
Missions 1872:479ff).
Whatever doubts may exist about some trading nuclei are resolved by
1868. In that year three of the Dumont family of St. Albert sold their
River Lots at St. Albert (Interior Department Nd., Vol. 322, File 75265;
Vol. 328, Files 80042 and 81183; Vol. 359, File 95291).
From 1868 onwards, Lacombe, Tache, and Grandin all mention the
existence of a mission building, described as a pied-a-terre, at Buffalo
Lake (Lacombe 1866; Tache 1869:70-71, 153; OMI Missions 1873:184-193).
It probably was not occupied in winter, the missionary or missionaries
apparently returning to St. Paul des Cris, or (less likely) St. Albert at
the end of the September and October hunts (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 6,
Parts 5 and 8; Vol. 15, Part 3, November 2, 1868). Nor was it occupied
by whichever missionary stayed with the hunt itself (OMI Missions
1872:31). The Catholic Church could not have afforded to erect any such
building (OMI, various references, especially Missions 1872:31; Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 7, Part 12). It suggests, therefore, some existing
settlement.
Consequently, two significantly different things distinguished
Buffalo Lake before 1870. It apparently was already something rather
more than a hunters' campsite: it had a trading nucleus with connections
into nearby hunting groups. Second, its posession of even a seasonally
occupied church (more exactly, a house-chapel) already speaks of the
beginnings of social institutions.
The large hunting parties of freemen from the Parkland should almost
be considered as "moving settlements," rather than nomadic communities.
Indeed, the Reverend Rene Remas observed that, during the fall hunt of
1864, he found that movement from place to place was the only
distinguishing mark between the St. Albert-Lac Ste. Anne people and a
normal county parish in France (Remas 1860-1868, December 19, 1864).
The Reverend J. -Vital Fourmond's account of the disastrous hunt of
fall, 1870 (OMI Missions 1872:477) allows a glimpse into the relationship
between this postulated commercial centre and these very large parties of
hunters. On September 3, the hunting camp had proceeded from Whitford
Lake to Pretty Hill, five to six miles north of what is now Duhamel (OMI
Missions 1872:480). Although some buffalo were north of the Battle
River, the party hoped to cross before the smallpox intervened. About 60
- 21 -
lodges, 10 feet in diameter, were set aside for the sick. Fourmond had
great difficulty in estimating their number. Although most lodges held
about three to five sick people, there could be up to ten.
The camp slowly moved towards present-day Duhamel , but was attacked
by a prairie fire on September 9. It was now quite impossible for the
camp to do anything, as nearly everyone was sick or dying. Although the
hunting party was able to reach Duhamel about September 20, nothing but
prairie fires could be seen south of the river. The trading centre,
therefore, was clearly south of Duhamel, presumably on the main trail
going southwards. All of this would be consistent with either the
Spotted Lake or the Boss Hill Sites.
The entire party retreated to Edmonton, where Chief Factor Christie
had been able to obtain emergency food supplies. Louis Montagnais and
most of his council chose to stay at St. Albert, but at the end of
October:
. . . the others, in larger numbers, resolved to build
houses on the bank of the Battle River, thinking to find,
in this country of hunters, a way of existing that they had
only found with great difficulty everywhere else. At all
times, these latter people only joined this party on the
condition that a Father would be given to pass the winter
with them [Fourmond, translation, OMI Missions 1872:505].
From later affidavits presented to the Department of the Interior
(A. Salois, Claim to River Lot 46, Duhamel, in Interior Department Papers
Nd., Vol. 315, File 73489; Fourmond 1871-1879), it seems very probable
that this event was the founding of the settlement of Salois' Crossing
(Duhamel) .
Although valuable additional information derives from missionary
sources, the Edmonton Post Journal best summarizes the year's events.
The earliest hunting, which started in mid-February, was a qualified
failure; the buffalo were plentiful, but very far out on the Plains.
Reverend Alexis Andre confirms Fourmond in this. Based on Andre's report
in the Post Journal on February 27, and remarks by Scollen, they reached
a point at or near the north end of the Hand Hills (Edmonton Post
Journals, February 27, 1871; Scollen 1862-1864; 1872b). The men who
traded on behalf of the Company, John Rowland, John Fraser, and Louis
Chastellain, had disappointing results, and apparently much of the
freeman's buffalo meat had spoiled or there had been some illness among
the buffalo. This last observation may be relevant to a discussion of
the buffalo's ultimate disappearance.
The Edmonton Post Journals insist that although the hunters were
having to go far to the south, a fixed camp existed three days away and
the Company's trader had to be there.
The second regular hunt out of St. Albert (May-August) was
moderately better; the buffalo seem to have come a little farther north
than in March and were found in a line again starting at the north side
of the Hand Hills, but stretching to the Neutral Hills, where it was
reported that the St. Albert and Fort Pitt Crees and Metis found
plentiful herds.
- 22 -
There were some obvious clouds on the area's horizons. The winter
of 1870-1871 had not been easy for the group out on the Plains (Edmonton
Post Journals, May 2, 1871; Campbell 1871 :xiv), and in Scollen's view,
heavy rains had made all the trails too difficult for a people weakened
by smallpox and for their draught animals (Scollen 1872a). Both local
and Red River traders were dealing in whiskey, while all travellers and
freighters from the area were unwelcome in Red River, due to the epidemic
(Edmonton Post Journals, July 31, September 18, 1871; Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 23, December 22, 1871; Vol. 5, Part 7, St. Albert) To
some observers, particularly Grandin, the limited success of the hunt,
given that there were many fewer hunters, and many fewer dependants to
feed, did not mask its continuing serious decline (Grandin, Transcripts,
Vol. 4). At the same time, the heavy rains had destroyed the St. Albert
Mission's new watermill (Edmonton Post Journals, November 19, 1871),
which would discourage agriculture.
The district around the Buffalo Lake Metis site was the centre of
considerable activity prior to 1872, but this activity apparently did not
produce a site of the "classical" hi vernant nature. The Buffalo Lake
site appears to have had a distinctive identity, which drew a different
type of inhabitant than, for example, those people of the Upper
Saskatchewan who were drawn farther southwards in a contemporary
migration towards the Bow River.
While recognizing that scholarly debate continues as to use of the
term, the best meaning in this district is as follows. An hi vernant
(winterer) is a person whose involvement in the fur trade requires
absence from his or her normal place of residence. A "wintering place"
is the residential place during these involvements.
However, time and space restrictions were generally observed in the
definition: normally, the cycle was one calendar year, and the word
hi vernant, by the 1870's, increasingly applied to hunting families who
entered and left the Plains from reasonably permanent places in the
Parkland and woods. Traders who accompanied organized hunts also
qualified.
One of the best, if not the best, descriptions of a hi vernant site
appears in the Memoirs of the Reverend J.-J.-M. Lestanc (1910). John
Kerr (Sissons 1946:88-104) is also useful.
The families at Wood Mountain (Figures 1,6a) were generally from
Pembina and St. Francois Xavier Parish at Red River, and as far as
Lestanc could tell, about 200 families were still "resident" in Manitoba
in summer and winter. However, in summer, they lived in tents (which
Lestanc distinguished from lodges or tipis), but, in October, a
"wintering site" would be chosen where wood, pasturage, and buffalo were
all nearby. His observations are here in translation:
. . . and ten or twelve days later, each family had its
cabin erected with floors, ceiling, door, a fireplace and
a chimney, where they spent the winter comfortably
enough. When they had a priest, they arranged to build
him a church and a house ... As soon as the cabins were
finished, the men and boys left for the hunt with carts
they had made themselves. . . .
- 23 -
The elderly, the women, and children remained home.
The elderly men and boys gathered and chopped wood, the
women took care of the household and kitchen and scraped
the skins. This scraping of skins was very long and very
hard work.
My ministry was a bit like the ministry of a parish
curate, especially teaching catechism. One winter I
taught a school with a score of children [Lestanc 1910].
After a full winter's hunting, robes and furs were taken back to
Winnipeg in March and April by the Metis.
Two matters must be noted. Unlike a hunting camp, which was made up
of lodges, carts, and horse pounds, the "wintering place" used houses.
Unlike the Buffalo Lake site, a new "wintering place" site was built each
year.
The people of this particular place dispersed to Turtle Mountain,
Qu'Appelle, Batoche, and the Cypress Hills in 1877. They are not to be
confused with the people of "Riviere la Biche," whom Lestanc also
described .
In November, 1878, the people at "Riviere la Biche" (just east of
Empress, Alberta, Figure 1) asked Lestanc to visit, which he did for a
month. "Riviere la Biche" was a general term for several distinct
places: the largest village had 20 Metis families, a smaller one had 11,
and a third had three or four. The first was on the north side of the
Red River and at its junction with the South Saskatchewan ("Belly" to
Lestanc); the second was 10 to 12 miles east of that; and the smallest
was on the south bank and still farther east. About 50 tents of Pagan
Saulteaux and a small number of Crees, some Christian and some Pagan,
made up two additional places. The people here were a contrast to those
in the settlement previously described, both in their religious
ignorance, and in their determination not to travel. From Lestanc's
baptismal records, Grandin's Diary, and Edmonton Bulletin reports prior
to 1884, this Metis settlement was essentially composed of freighters and
traders who placed themselves on a well-travelled hunting route.
The Buffalo Lake site, at the end of 1871, seems to have resembled
more closely the settlement at Riviere La Biche than the one at Wood
Mountain. The families which can be traced to this date in the district
were a group of trading families, who had several intermarriages with
residents at Beaver Lake, the Beaver Hills, and the Battle River valley.
By this time there was also a new settlement that can be placed with
reasonable assurance at Salois' Crossing.
In addition to the Salois family's very close intermarriages with
these trading families, Abraham Salois himself (whose photograph is on
the cover of this monograph) was freighting both for the Company and for
himself. He is known to have been planting wheat and potatoes, and his
son Gabriel was hauling hay from Hay Lake.
The 1871 Edmonton Post Journal presupposes a centre south of the
Battle River, where the hunters were being met, if only by the Company's
traders. The best site for the desired quantities of wood and water, and
easiest access to the Plains seems to be the Buffalo Lake locality near
Boss Hill. The attempt to cross at Salois' Crossing, rather than Todd's
- 24 -
Crossing in 1870, and a Beaver Hills-Beaver Lake-Pipestone Creek
connection, also support this.
To sum up events prior to the "core period," the historical evidence
perhaps points to an older and an unusual site near Boss Hill. It is not
a Wood Mountain-style of wintering settlement, but a trading outpost.
If, therefore, the site is now to be considered as a refuge for hi vernant
migrants, it is not neccessarily a "wintering place," at least in the
strict sense.
Because the scrip applications give some indications of the total
numbers of people we may call "Battle River" Metis, the overall figures,
including 1871, will be of interest.
TABLE 1
SAMPLE OF METIS POPULATION. BATTLE RIVER AREA
Year
Population
1850
4
1855
11
1860
16
1865
46
1869
76
1870
95
1871
126
The term "sample" is not used lightly. A complete search of
applications between 1887 and 1906 was not possible, and the numbers of
people who took (and stayed in) the Indian Treaty are not included.
However, 2,100 and more Metis individuals have been traced, 793 of whom
have a connection with the Battle and Bow River migrations.
CHAPTER III
THE BUFFALO LAKE METIS SITE,
HISTORY FROM 1872 TO 1878
1872
Almost as soon as the year 1872 began, on January 4, the people of
the Lac Ste. Anne area headed out towards the Plains.
From Edmonton's point of view, the first hunt was disquieting.
Normally, at least some of the freeman would have returned in late March
or early April to carry out seeding operations. Apparently this did not
happen. One small party, apparently from Iron Creek, arrived early in
May, and no very large group arrived until July 22. Reports to the
Hudson's Bay Company in June and early July suggested that the buffalo
herds were very far off, and that the Parkland hunters' schedule was
unexpectedly elongated. Those who came back in large numbers did so at
the beginning of August, and the Company's one reliable Plains trader for
that year, Olivier Bellerose, indicated that many intended to remain away
(Edmonton Post Journals, January-June, 1872).
Nominally, the two calendar years of 1871 and 1872 indicate a poor
series of hunts in 1872. Provisions from buffalo came to 106,721 pounds
of meat, excluding 63 tongues, in 1871. In 1872 the Hudson's Bay Company
received only 23,905 pounds of meat and 95 tongues. Agents such as
Bellerose accounted for about half of the meat in 1871, but 74% of the
meat in 1872. Also, although the Company received buffalo robes and
skins from hunters, its own traders avoided them. Only 128 robes out of
1,562 came through these agents (Edmonton Post Journals, January,
1871 -December, 1872).
There was, in fact, very considerable activity in the hunts. The
Reverend Alexandre Blanchet was the first of several clerics who became
involved, as he left with the Lac Ste. Anne hunters in January. On the
initial trip out, they had to go much farther south than expected,
certainly into "Palliser's Triangle" (OMI Missions 1874:510). However,
it appears that this party found enough to return northwards at least by
April. At this time, a herd near Iron Creek had been found by some of
the St. Paul and Saddle lake Crees; it was large, and had apparently fled
there from prairie fires to the south (Doucet 1869-1877). Grandin (OMI
Missions 1873:354) noted in his Annual Report on his diocese that Buffalo
Lake and Pigeon Lake had been visited as regularly as travel allowed, and
the Reverend George McDougall found most of the Victoria Metis at Todd's
crossing and in the Bear's Hill bend of the Battle River. However,
McDougall mentions that the trail to Tail Creek was uninhabited. He
first met anyone to the south near Dog Pound Creek. About 300 Stoneys
were back at Pigeon Lake (Campbell 1872:245-246; G. McDougall 1872a:243;
1872b:246-247; 1873a :310-311 ; 1 873b:31 1 -31 2) , and Grandin (Transcripts,
Vol. 6, Part 11, 1872-1873) estimated that as many as 500 Carlton, Pitt,
- 26 -
Victoria, and St. Albert Metis were staying in the hunting areas that
year.
As a partial explanation for the length of the winter hunt, there
were still two matters of uneasiness in the Upper Saskatchewan. One of
these matters was the entry of the area into Canadian jurisdiction. All
sources remarked on the absence of effort by the new government to answer
the concerns of the "Indians." At the same time, news from Red River was
both ominous and rare (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 9, Easter, 1872; G.
McDougall 1 873a : 31 0-311 ) . Visitors from the Upper Saskatchewan were
distinctly unwelcome as a result of the smallpox, and the freighters and
traders were consequently badly informed: therefore, they decided that it
was necessary to go by way of Fort Benton (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 9,
Easter, 1872).
The Methodists (Campbell 1872:245-246; G. McDougall 1872a:243;
1872b:246-247; 1 873a : 31 0-311 ; 1 873b : 31 1 -31 2) , George and John McDougall,
and Peter Campbell, had become aware of American whiskey traders coming
farther into the country. The Stoneys in the Bow River area were also
becoming less enthusiastic about travelling to Pigeon Lake as a matter of
course. No less alarming to the Methodists was the real or rumoured
appearance of Montana Jesuits, and the proximity of the heathen
Blackfeet. Although the Bow River Stoneys still seemed faithful, they
were demanding, and required, a mission away from Rocky Mountain House
and Pigeon Lake. At the same time, a Blackfoot mission might become
possible.
George McDougall's accounts have a confused chronology. His dates
appear to be one month late. As far as they can be reconciled, about the
beginning of April he met John McDougall and the Victoria hunters at
Bear's Hill, and carried on to Morley by way of Todd's Crossing, Grande
Pointe, Tail Creek, Antler Hill, Red Deer River, Little Red Deer River,
and Dog Pound Creek, reaching the Bow River's northern bank on April 7.
They crossed the River, where the Chief Dogpound and Bear's Paw bands of
284 people and 42 tents happened to be. Apart from discussing the new
mission site, the band proposed an agreed boundary with the Blackfoot
tribes .
Grandin left for a visit to the Plains about the same time (Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 9, July 3, 1872 (two letters); July 24, 1872; Vol 14,
Part 3, Grandin to Aubert, December, 1872; Vol. 17, Part 2, April 30,
1873; Vol. 23, August, 1872; March 13, 1873; Scollen 1872b; Doucet
1869-1877; OMI Missions 1873:208-354; 1874:499-505; 1880:167-170). It
appears that he had heard from Blanchet or the freemen about the herd at
Iron Creek, and so he started for St. Paul des Cris with Brother
Constantine Scollen as his interpreter. There was a camp of 20 tents of
Crees, and possibly a few traders there, and before leaving, the people
expressed to him a series of continuing concerns. They expected not only
the extinction of the buffalo, but the probable extinction of the beaver
before long. They repeated their desire for houses rather than lodges
and for assistance in learning cultivation and livestock raising. They
observed that they lacked both tools and knowledge. They also wanted St.
Paul des Cris to be moved; it was, by common agreement, a poor place for
settlement.
- 27 -
Consequently, Grandin and the camp at St. Paul des Cris left rather
late, on May 28. The camp had nothing to eat, and lacked sufficient
horses. Another party of 30 lodges (apparently from the Fort Pitt area)
met them shortly after, and they were in equal trouble. A third camp
joined them at the edge of the prairie, eleven days after leaving St.
Paul. This camp was mainly Protestant or non-Christian, and seems to
have been comprised of Plains Crees from the lower Battle River. As the
hunters located buffalo immediately, Grandin and Scollen spent the month
of June with them. Scollen's description of religious services at a camp
of lodges as opposed to the pied-a-terre at Buffalo Lake is instructive:
Our cathedral was contructed in a few minutes: two large
leather tents were thrown over some poles; the altar was
made of 3 of our luggage trunks placed one upon another . .
After mass, His Lordship with mitre on, sat on the
episcopal throne (another trunk) whilst I explained to our
congregation the importance [of first Holy Communion and
Confirmation]. . . [Scollen 1872b].
By June 13, word had been spreading of the camp's good fortune in
the hunt; 80 lodges of Crees arrived from the west. Towards the end of
June, the St. Albert Metis hunters, who had divided into two distinct
camps, were not far off. One group, entirely Metis, had been in the
Buffalo Lake area, while a more mixed camp had apparently been in the
country between Beaverhills Lake and Iron Creek. The latter had met
Crowfoot's Blackfoot camp, and there was a Blood camp to the south, in
the area of present-day Alliance. The Reverend Alexis Bourgine, and the
St. Albert camps, organized a grand reception, and Grandin was able to
speak with Crowfoot at some length on July 3. A camp of Metis from
Carlton was also present.
This was an extraordinary opportunity to make a formal peace. Crees
from St. Albert to Battleford, Metis from Carlton to St. Albert, and two
very large camps of Blackfoot and Bloods were gathered in a space within
15 to 18 miles of each other. Although the groups themselves had already
begun to negotiate, the presence of Grandin and Scollen assisted the
process considerably. The results are still present in the boundaries of
Indian Treaties 6 and 7. Basic agreements about hunting rules and
probably rules relating to trading and horse thievery were also dealt
with. After a successful mission at the Blood Camp, Grandin and Scollen
returned to St. Albert.
The resulting treaty (for so it was named) lasted until the treaties
between the Canadian Government and the "Indians" were concluded.
Some years later, in 1879, Lestanc (OMI Missions 1880:167-180)
observed that the treaty of 1872 made it safe for full-scale wintering
settlements along the entire Battle River, and, at least at St. Paul des
Cris, the people who were remaining left for that river. He also noted
that the buffalo herds had been able to come farther north before that
event. After the spring of 1872, a large number of people were south of
these habitual grazing grounds, and consequently buffalo were much more
easily hunted.
- 28 -
The Crees whom Grandin and Scollen had accompanied in the Plains
were reasonably specific in their intentions. They wished not merely to
be along the Battle River, but at Parkland lakes, since the Plains lakes
were notoriously alkaline and polluted with buffalo wastes. Grandin, in
fact, returned to Fort Pitt to close down St. Paul in September, and was
about to depart for a general visitation of the lakes between Whitford
Lake and Pigeon Lake in order to rearrange mission stations. However, he
fell extremely ill, and remained ill for all of October.
Grandin had returned to St. Albert on July 18, and Scollen,
Blanchet, and the main party followed on July 22. The situation they
found was shocking. Although the presence of American whiskey traders in
the southernmost Canadian territory was known, and while there had been
whiskey traders from Red River at Edmonton, the latter had learned
caution, while enmity between the Sioux and the Montana traders was
presumed to restrain the Americans.
Sometime in June, the Benton traders had learned that the trails to
Rocky Mountain House, and thence to Edmonton, were completely open. The
first, John Warren, arrived at Edmonton on July 8, and three more traders
arrived the following day (Edmonton Post Journals, 1872; Borgstede 1986:
63, 94, 102; Dempsey 1984:47). From that point onwards, heavy drinking
continued at Edmonton for the rest of 1872, aside from a brief respite in
November.
Grandin reported that 42 Blackfeet were known to have died directly
from alcohol (although not at Edmonton). This information, probably
obtained from Jean L'Heureux, is the earliest mention of Indian deaths
directly due to drink known to this author.
The freemen of St. Albert and Lac Ste. Anne began to leave for their
fall hunt on August 21, the Reverend Joseph Dupin leaving with the main
party on September 4. This hunt had to reach the Hand Hills, but once
that far, the people found large herds (Edmonton Post Journal, November
11, 1872; OMI Missions 1872:59; Fourmond 1871-1879). The hunters who
travelled by the routes through the Buffalo Lake district proved
fortunate. Indeed, the herds continued to stay within three days' normal
travel of Buffalo Lake (Hardisty Papers, Item 230). The Battleford and
Fort Pitt hunters, however, proceeding southwards by Manitou Lake to the
Neutral Hills, found nothing (Dempsey 1984:47-53).
The fall of 1872 gave way to winter with a ferocity that was quite
unheard-of. It was normal for a major snowfall to occur in late
September, but it had been extremely rare for the weather to remain
cold. However, no one was prepared for anything close to what actually
occurred. A single unusual, lengthy, and spectacular blizzard blew into
Alberta, the temperature falling to very low levels, and remaining there
all winter. Extreme depths of snow were left lying on the unfrozen earth.
Apparently the western half of Alberta escaped anything unusual
other than very cold temperatures after October 9 (Edmonton Post
Journals, September-November, 1872). There was sufficient crusted snow
at Lac Ste. Anne to lead the Hudson's Bay Company traders to fear very
poor hunting in the woods to the north and west, but there was nothing to
indicate more than a normal hard winter. Travel by Pigeon Lake, Rocky
Mountain House, and the foothills was not difficult at least as far as
the Bow River. The North Sakatchewan River only froze over on November
9, which, although a little early, was entirely seasonal.
- 29 -
The Edmonton District Metis hunters, however, were apparently caught
completely unawares about September 26, and the storm was still blowing
hard fifteen days later. Grandin, although trapped by illness, hoped to
be able to proceed to Buffalo Lake until October 28, when he was forced
to abandon the idea, both for reasons of health and because there was no
apparent probability of better weather. Assisted by David Daigneault, a
Metis soon to become a Buffalo Lake resident, he reached St. Albert in
five days, which was not abnormally slow.
The storm led directly to large-scale residency at Buffalo Lake.
The hunt had been three days' travel to the herds, but Leduc noted that
the return trip took fifteen days to reach the Buffalo Lake site.
Apparently, the St. Albert area Metis hunters were making something less
than three miles per day.
It is worth quoting the December 18 account of Fourmond (1871-1879)
to a relative, Mere Marie-Colombe Cox (in translation).
Our Metis have also had themselves a very painful
journey in their autumn hunt. It had never happened to them
to be surprised by winter at this time, contrary to all
their expectations, out on the open prairie, which is to say
in that immense desert where one has no other fuel than that
which the buffalo produce. They found themselves suddenly
enslaved underneath the snow, with their carts, women and
children. It was only after a great many sufferings and
supreme efforts that they came to their goal of reaching the
woods. Some resolved to pass the winter in this place to
retake the plains in the spring; others set to work to
fashion [sleds] and thus returned to the [St. Albert] colony
with the Rev. Father Dupin, who had been accompanying them
since the hunt's beginning. The great leader called Abraham
[Salois], they say, showed in the circumstances a courage
and devotion worthy of the greatest praises. Forgetting
himself in order to think of nothing but his brethren, he
always opened a way of crossing the snowbanks, at the risk
of killing his horses, and at every encampment, went to all
corners to encourage and help everyone. Finally, thanks be
to God, nobody perished in this hard trial.
Victoria Callihoo later recalled:
As my mother had all the meat, hides, and pemmican she
wanted, she was anxious to come back home to Lac Ste. Anne,
now that the weather was getting cold. The leader, Solway
[Salois] and a few families from our settlement, and outfits
from the other settlements wanted to hunt and kill more
buffalo, claiming that good weather would come, and would
not allow anyone to leave the caravan, saying any small
outfit would fall prey to marauding Indian tribes. My
mother, and my brother, Alexis were determined to come home
as they knew it was not likely there would be any Blackfeet
tribes on the way home at that time of year.
- 30 -
Hot words were used when we left the caravan. My mother
said to them, 'You people are foolish to stay here any
longer. It is late in the season. You will be snow-bound
and you have no wood to burn.' It was bitter cold on the
way back ....
Ice was forming on the [Saskatchewan] river . . . and my
brother armed with a sharp pointed pole rode above stream to
shove off ice cakes from the carts in fear the ice might
upset them . . . [Jamieson 1953:27-28].
Grandin adds a few things (OMI Missions 1872:502-565) on December 7:
Only Father Dupin, who had left before me for our
hunters on the Prairie, had not returned again [November
2]. They had been surprised, like ourselves, by the
precocious rigours of winter, in the middle of the great
Prairie, without wood, and without any shelter except tents
of leather or cloth. Most of our Metis were there with
their families. More than that, they had not taken any
precautions against the cold. A good number could not
return to here [St. Albert]; arriving in the wooded region,
they constructed houses ("baraques") to pass the winter
there. Those who returned with Father Dupin took forty days
to make their retreat. Several have lost their horses; all
have been tried by miseries which hardly seem believable to
anyone not acquainted with the country, and the atmospheric
perturbations which bring us a winter one month ahead of the
calendar.
Grandin referred to "baraques." In his usage, such a building was a
"barracks" in the sense of a dwelling shared by unrelated people, or as a
dwelling used for other purposes. It had some permanence: if it was not
a "maison" in a European sense, neither was it a "cabane" or "bicoque"
(cabin or shanty) .
Most westerners, English and French, made an important distinction
between a log house and a cabin or shanty. Some confusion arose where an
eastern Canadian writer or translator was involved.
Even if there had not been people at Buffalo Lake previously, the
site cannot conceivably be dated later than the retreat from the Plains
in October, 1872. However, the identifiable residents of the Battle
River area who claimed Metis scrip had increased from 126 to 157, and
Abraham Salois knew exactly where he was going. This, in itself,
indicates that the Buffalo Lake site was likely a settlement of some sort
prior to 1872.
The Plains Crees, the Stoneys, and a sizeable proportion of the
Blackfeet faced outright starvation. The Blackfeet who had hoped to find
buffalo in the Neutral Hills area fared worst of all: everyone died. The
Reverend Leon Doucet (1869-1877) estimated that 70 to 80 Crees from the
St. Paul des Cris area either froze or starved. Both the Reverend George
McDougall and Bishop Vital Grandin noted similar deaths among the local
people at Victoria and St. Albert, although in much smaller numbers. The
- 31 -
Stoneys of Pigeon Lake and the Bear's Hills were with the St. Albert
Metis, and those Stoneys at Morley apparently did well. However, as the
Company's officers at Lac Ste. Anne warned Hardisty, the combination of
the cold, the deep snow, and unfrozen ground below made hunting in the
woods very difficult. Substantial numbers of Stoneys had to be fed by
the Company and by the St. Albert settlement. At St. Albert, these
people had to be moved out of lodges and into the settlement's houses.
In short, the dangers of the 1872-1873 winter were extreme in the
northern half of the Upper Saskatchewan, and tents were not sufficient
even in wooded areas. Buildings also would have to be constructed
sufficiently well as to be weathertight .
The abrupt arrival of the Benton traders at Edmonton revealed that
the Americans were established farther north than expected (Edmonton Post
Journals, 1872). Although the Hudson's Bay Company was quite alive to
the grave danger to its Blackfoot trade, its proposed restructuring of
personnel practices and transportation arrangements did little, in 1872,
except to delay matters. Neither John Rowland nor Cuthbert McGillis were
unreliable freighters, but the first was one month behind schedule, and
the second, caught by the blizzard, eventually came in five months late.
The Company simply had very little to trade. Rocky Mountain House was
even in a worse position, as its stock came from Edmonton. However, it
was clear that the Company could not avoid establishing posts in the Bow
River area, or in the Plains; otherwise the competition would continue
coming northwards.
Consequently, a second southwards migration began late in 1872,
although it was a mere trickle compared to the number of people looking
towards Buffalo Lake. Of 790 Metis individuals who can be traced by the
scrip applications, approximately nine were in the Bow River area before
the year ended. However, it was an idea that was arousing interest among
the people of the Upper Saskatchewan. (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 9,
December 23, 1872).
At the end of 1872, both the Hudson's Bay Company and the St. Albert
Mission attempted censuses of the Upper and Lower Saskatchewan (Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 6, part 11; Hardisty Papers, Items 145-149). Both were
agreed that the two districts combined had about 3,400 Metis and 200
Europeans. The Mission thought it was hopeless to try counting the
"Indians," although the Hudson's Bay Company tried, and did rather
badly. Significantly, Grandin believed that about one-third (possibly
400) of the St. Albert and Lac Ste. Anne people (including the Crees and
Stoneys taking refuge) were living entirely by farming, and most did
some. He conceded that the latter were not necessarily farming well
(Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 17, Part 2, March 6, 1873).
After November, 1872, it appears that the Buffalo Lake site had
approximately 320 residents of all groups.
1873
As the year 1873 began, travelling improved, but for those who had
been unfortunate with their hunting, or who had no access to the crops
harvested in 1871 and 1872, other matters did not improve. John
- 32 -
Sinclair, the Hudson's Bay clerk then working at Buffalo Lake, reported
to Hardisty on February 18 that some Blackfeet were at the Hand Hills,
and not enjoying much success. Another party of hunters had arrived at
Edmonton on February 13, and the Edmonton Post Journals noted that
nothing was on the Plains at all. There were a few travellers from the
Buffalo Lake area, but their only known purpose was to make funeral
arrangements for the wives of Donald Todd and John Whitford (Edmonton
Post Journals, March 16, April 2, 1873).
In the absence of both Grandin and Lacombe, the Reverend Hippolyte
Leduc found himself supervising the diocese, and he provided the
following account (in translation):
At the beginning of January, the good Father Dupin went
back to the wintering place of our Metis in the prairie. He
passed several weeks with these winterers; his journey and his
stay in this locality were not without its contrary problems.
People were very willing to come fetch the Father at St.
Albert, but nobody cared to take him back there. This was a
journey of about a dozen days, going and returning, to be made
on the desert in an intense cold spell, at which the
settlement only smiled. On arriving, he resumed the teaching
of the St. Albert children who do not regularly go to the
school [OMI Missions 1874:510].
The Edmonton Post Journal noted his return on July 16. Buffalo Lake
was now clearly a complex site. Apart from the length of Dupin's stay,
there were two other Catholic clergy accompanying the hunt: Leon Doucet
and the newly ordained Constantine Scollen.
The Hudson's Bay Company was also relatively inactive in the early
months of 1873, tending to the surrounding camps of refugees from cold
and hunger. The lawlessness of 1872 persuaded Donald A. Smith, the new
Governor, that the Company should consider moving into the Bow River area
only with great care, and he hoped, after aboriginal treaties and a
police force were in place (Hardisty Papers, Item 314).
Nevertheless, the Edmonton Post Journal (1872-1873) and Hardisty
Papers (Various Items) note the Company's use of resident traders at
Pigeon Lake and Buffalo Lake as well as Rocky Mountain House (Figure 1).
John Sinclair, Francis Whitford, and Angus Fraser handled those posts.
Olivier Bellerose, Abraham Salois, and Basil Hebert were sent out with
goods to meet the people as they came in from the Plains. Sinclair was
normally the Post Officer either at Fort Pitt or Rocky Mountain House.
His being at Buffalo Lake at all is a comment on the importance now
attached to that place as a commercial centre. Indeed, 1872-1873 was the
first known year of large-scale year-round settlement. Evidently, those
who made their living by hunting out from St. Albert were not using the
place as merely the outer point of the hunts, or even as a trading centre
en route to the herds and back. Buffalo Lake was now the home to which a
winterer returned.
- 33 -
Furthermore, it is now possible to describe life at Buffalo Lake.
One direct account of the site itself, by Samuel Benfield Steele, is
somewhat augmented by that of a second North West Mounted Police officer,
Jean D'Artigue (Steele 1915; D'Artigue 1973). Steele (1915:86) describes
a dance held at Buffalo Lake some two years later (in January, 1876) as
fol lows :
We arrived at Buffalo Lake after dark, and were searching
amongst the four hundred cabins to find John Ashon's store
when we heard the sound of dance music and directed our steps
to a large log cabin in which a lively wedding dance was going
on. Two rows of young men and women were on the floor footing
Lord Macdonald's Reel to the most rapid time possible, as was
the custom among the hunters. Inspectors Jarvis and I entered
the room and were directed to Ashon's place.
We remained four days in the camp and enjoyed the novelty
of the situation. Mrs. Ashon, a young woman about twenty
years of age, took good care that we should not suffer from
starvation, for she kept the fire going and the pot boiling
the whole time. The intervals between meals are very short,
for every now and then we would he asked to "draw in" and
despatch buffalo tongues, bannocks, strong tea, and tinned
fruits .
Inspector Jarvis did much to obtain intelligence from all
parts of the country and as the hunters and traders liked to
talk we kept their tongues wagging. We secured a great deal
of information of all sorts which was afterwards of good use
to us.
Although 400 cabins certainly was an error on Steele's part, it may
well be that, given a very congested settlement and a dark night, there
seemed to be that many.
D'Artigue (1973:86-88) makes a distinction between Indian dances and
those of the Metis. The dance he describes was at Sweetgrass' camp in
March, 1874, about 25 miles south of Buffalo Lake on the Red Deer River.
The Indian chief (Sweet Grass) accompanied by his
councellor and petty chiefs came also to bid me welcome, and
to invite me to a pow-wow (dance) which he was going to give
that evening in my honour.
. . . Accordingly. . . after supper I directed my steps
towards the wigwam where the Council was sitting. The chief
and his warriors were already assembled and by the side of
the chief a seat of furs was placed, intended for my
occupation. Three Indians, each furnished with a kind of
tambourine and a drum-stick, were only awaiting my arrival to
strike up the music for the dance. As soon as I was seated,
the squaws, old and young, entered, and the pam-pam began.
And such a pantominel how shall I describe it? Such shaking
and balancing of the head, contortions of the face and body,
such violent and uncouth movements of the arms and legs
- 34 -
accompanied with a kind of song, interspered with most
inhuman shouts. . . .
As the dance went on a young Uskinik squaw approached me,
and by a sign asked me to dance with her. Here was an
unlooked-for turn of events. To dance as the whites do is
all very well, but to dance after the Indian fashion above
described was, in my opinion, altogether too much of a good
thing. But what was to be done? All eyes were fixed upon
me, seemingly anxious to know if I dare to refuse; for truly
my manner must have indicated that I felt reluctant to accept
the profferred honour. But, remembering that a refusal to
dance was looked upon as an insult, I got up and taking the
hand of the Uskinik squaw, did my best to imitate the
ludicrous motions I had witnessed by the others. This so
pleased them that the shouts and laughter was increased to a
perfect uproar, and when I sat down both the chief and his
warriors came to congratulate me upon my successful debut.
Sweetgrass' daughter then served what later proved to be tea turned
mildly intoxicating by being brewed with tobacco. What D'Artigue did not
realize, nor did the fur trader whose "wigwam" he had been sharing
trouble to tell him, was that the daughter had proposed marriage to
D'Artigue, and he had accepted! It has been Sweetgrass' aim (so he
claimed) to bestow this honour upon the first representative of the
Canadian Government. D'Artigue was able to avoid his fate, possibly to
Sweetgrass' private relief.
Doucet had sufficient trouble with gambling at Buffalo Lake to
require direct instructions about games. Grandin's reply was that games
for recreational purposes, or for stakes of little or no value, were
proper, but any serious wagering was dangerous (Grandin, Transcripts,
Vol. 19, Doucet, December 25, 1874). Doucet had to obtain similar advice
regarding dances, drink, and horse-racing.
In the early months of 1873, it became evident that, however calm
matters were in the northern half of the Upper Saskatchewan District,
they were not calm to the south. John Sinclair, now established at
Buffalo Lake, first heard the news from Blackfoot parties arriving from
the Hand Hills. On February 18, he reported that:
. . . they killed one of the American Traders & they are
seen leaving the Belly River. This Trader would take one of
the chief's wives from him but he got shot on his attempt to
take her. . . [Hardisty Papers, Item 362].
And on March 20, he wrote that:
Some Blackfeet came on a trade . . . Natooswanstep tells
us all the Blackfeet, Blood Indians, & Peigans are killing one
another right and left by drinking, their's not ten tents of
Bloods together - so they are in an awful plight. You may see
a Low Band of them come to Edmonton this spring to complain
about the Yankees and how they are treated by them this winter
[Hardisty Papers, Item 363].
- 35 -
From entries in the Edmonton Post Journals we learn the following.
The North Saskatchewan River broke open on April 19. Some results of the
spring hunt were becoming known. Sinclair and Whitford brought in their
returns on May 28 and May 12 respectively. No large party of freemen
returned this spring, and only one whiskey trader, John Warren, was at
Edmonton. The people going out from Edmonton, St. Albert, and Lac Ste.
Anne left rather late, beginning on May 26 and finishing on June 17. The
later parties were accompanied by Olivier Bellerose and Basil Hebert, who
were travelling as Hudson's Bay Company agents. Their first trip was
reasonably successful, and the first large party of returning freemen,
under Louis Montagnais, were also pleased. However, about August 12, the
reports to the Company became less favourable. The freemen were arriving
with fewer results, and Bellerose considered his own trade to be a major
disappointment.
From entries in the Edmonton Post Journals it appears that the bulk
of traders went directly towards the Battle River or held close to the
mountains, setting up at Rocky Mountain House. The parties of freemen
and Blackfeet were well supplied with whiskey before arriving at
Edmonton, although some of the traders set up at present-day Walterdale
for the winter. Although there was considerable drinking, things were
much more orderly, perhaps because word of a deadly confrontation between
"wolfers" and Crees was current in October. Besides Warren, Smith, and
MacPherson, the Post Journal mentions William Hope, Cuthbert McGillis,
Charles Dumont, one Roberts, John Paul, Felix Munro, Harry Johnson, and
Henry Herbert as independent traders. Salois took in provisions for the
Company and robes for himself.
Bellerose, Hebert, and Salois gathered 27,823 pounds of provisions
for the Company. This was not a great improvement over 1872. It seems
that the small outpost run by Sinclair, Fraser, and Whitford did somewhat
better.
Unfortunately for the Company, it was also caught short on trade
goods again. It had been hoped that a steamboat would end the dependence
on freighters. The steamboat was procured, and sent off from Lake
Winnipeg, but on September 6, Salois returned from Carlton to report that
it had been lost at Grand Rapids with the 1874 outfit for every place
upstream. By this time word was coming from Fort Pitt and Carlton that
the Lower Saskatchewan district had had very unsuccessful spring and
summer hunts (Hardisty Papers, Items 352, 285; Sissons 1946:124-138,
153-167). There was little trade material to bring in until fall, and
what there was went to the increasing number of independent traders.
At Buffalo Lake, on October 25, Sinclair observed:
I am sorry to say that we lost all our trade with the
Stoneys for want of goods, and that's the way always at this
place. The Stoneys are all gone to the Red Deer River [at "Le
Bout de Bois," the mouth of the Medicine River] to wait for
David McDougall and Trade with him, but goods come in time I
will go out & see them; try and send me all you can spare of
goods, for the Blackfoot are determined to trade here this
winter [Hardisty Papers, Item 369].
- 36 -
He also observed that the buffalo were nearby and plentiful in
numbers .
Throughout July and the rest of the year, some of the people of the
Upper Saskatchewan were watching events in the Bow River district with
interest. Both the Catholic and Methodist clergy decided to establish
missions in that area, the first permanent Euro-Metis establishments
there since the ill-fated Old Bow Fort of the 1820's. That early venture
had failed because of tribal hostilities. However, if these missions
could be established, it would encourage those who wished to challenge
the merchants of Fort Benton on their own territory. The recent treaties
of 1872, and the existing bad relations between the Blackfeet and
Missouri traders offered an opening.
For purposes of Buffalo Lake's history, several items are relevent.
The McDougall family was accompanied by an inspector of the Wesleyan
Missionary Society, the Reverend Doctor Lachlin Taylor (Taylor 1874).
While travelling westwards, Taylor observed not a single house
between Forts Ellice and Carlton. However, there were many travellers
and large freight brigades coming eastwards. He learned that virtually
all residents of the Victoria and Whitefish Lake settlements, including
the Reverend H. B. Steinhauer, had gone into the Plains. This proved to
be true at Pigeon Lake as well; and in the ensuing winter, most of the
Stoneys in the Bow River area moved northwards to Pigeon Lake, and
eastward into the Plains from there (J. McDougall 1875b).
Taylor noted that the church and house at Pigeon Lake, built by John
McDougall in 1864, and regarded as uninhabitable for some years, had not
been replaced. As the Society had sent money for proper replacements, he
may not have been pleased. As examples of buildings erected by a
newcomer, and which were not regarded as suitable to the country, an
existing description of them is helpful (Campbell 1870). The houses at
Buffalo Lake were certainly better built than these:
Our hut is a miserable thing with a bark roof, and walls
six and a half [feet] high, the roof allows the rain and
melted snow to run through in streams, so that it is
impossible even to keep our bedding dry. . .
I am sorry that my circumstances prevent me from doing
for this Mission what Brother McDougall has often told me he
did - build the Mission house at Victoria at his own
expense, without any aid from the circuit . . . The church
is not fit to hold service in, being only a little more that
half-roofed, and all our services are held in our little
cabin.
It is not surprising to learn that Campbell's health had
deteriorated very badly by 1873.
By contrast, however, the parsonages and churches at Victoria and
Whitefish Lake were, in Taylor's opinion, well built. His description
conforms to other comments on the Catholic house-chapels at Buffalo
Lake. At the new Morley Mission, John McDougall explained how he managed
these matters. Rather than building himself, he hired local men at $20 a
- 37 -
month and board, first erecting a temporary shelter, and proceeding to
the erection of a permanent house, 40 feet by 22 feet (13 m by 6.7 m,
more or less) in this case (J. McDougall 1875a).
McDougall also noted that the buffalo lay to the northeast of
Morley, and were never more than 100 miles away.
Scollen and Fourmond, and two lay assistants, Louis Daze and Alexis
Cardinal, had already established a Catholic Mission, Notre Dame de la
Paix, near the later Pirmez Creek Post Office on the Elbow River.
Cardinal had been Lacombe's assistant, and Daze was an accomplished
workman. The building was of a provisional nature; Grandin recalled it
as being a "maison omnibus," small and primitive by the country's
standards (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 4, Memoirs; Vol. 5, Part 7, Mission
de N. D. de la Paix) .
Doucet (1869-1877) reported that this building was 750 square feet
in floor area. John McDougall thought it was a comfortable house when he
visited it (OMI Missions 1874:524).
At the time, the two Missions were still uncertain as to their
safety, and had held close to the foothills. Indeed, as Taylor reported,
the Missouri traders were in a very dangerous situation, and American
territory was unsafe until one reached Utah. Thus, although these
churchly experiments were being watched with interest, any of the people
of the Upper Saskatchewan who contemplated moving into this area
preferred to await the success or failure of these experiments. However,
about ten people, nearly all of whom were associated with Rocky Mountain
House or Edmonton itself, seem to have made their way southwards.
As the winter of 1873 drew on, the Edmonton Post Journals (August
13, 1873) began to include notes of arrivals of settlers, including the
first from Manitoba since the 1870 smallpox. Winter was late that fall.
The North Saskatchewan River began freezing over only on November 29,
although the temperature took a mighty plunge the same day. At Edmonton
it was -13°F (-25°C), and the cold weather continued. Charlie Smith,
possibly finding life as Addison McPherson's partner too lively, had
Louis Mearon (sometimes called "Marion") of St. Laurent as a new business
partner, and they were established at Buffalo Lake for the winter
(Edmonton Post Journals, November 24, 1873). Only recriminations about
the Hudson's Bay Company's transportation disasters, and a last-minute
battle by Grandin, then at Marseilles, to keep Lacombe in the Upper
Saskatchewan seemed to interrupt an early winter calm.
1874
The appearance of calm during the winter of 1873-1874 may be
deceptive, as the sources available are unfortunately meagre.
The North-West Council and Governor Morris were both under pressure
to start the business of negotiating treaties. Petitions from the
Saskatchewan to this effect arrived on September 8, 1873, March 14, 1874,
and June 1, 1874 (North-West Territories Legislative Council,
1873-1875). The Hudson's Bay Company officers were aware that the
provision stocks for their own use were dwindling as early as October,
1873, and genuine, if quiet, fear grew (Hardisty Papers, Items 428,
- 38 -
576). Unfortunately, Morris was able to do little, and the Council even
less (Thomas 1956).
Early in 1874, the buffalo appeared to be very scarce and distant.
At Carlton, Lawrence Clarke lamented that:
Freeman, Settlers, and Indians are all starving & after
putting past the quarter for D. [Dunvegan or the Upper
Peace District] we have just 23 Bags pemmican left, all
hands are coming to us, and as I can't supply them, I get
many a threat and curse [Hardisty Papers, Item 428].
Any remaining doubts must have seemed resolved by Angus Fraser, who
wrote Hardisty from Rocky Mountain House on March 16:
It will be hard times for Grub . . . the buffalo far off and
horses very poor and no Blackfeet coming in on a trade. So we
will be in a fine fix ... I believe David McDougall is doing
well, so well he might, having no person to oppose him, they
have all the trade to themselves. . . .[Hardisty Papers, Item
473].
At least three conflicts seemed possible. The core of Blackfoot
territory was being invaded by everyone between Wood Mountain and Fort
Pitt, and, worse still, American whiskey traders and wolfers. At the
same time, the Montana situation was very complex and volatile: the
attitude of the Sioux was unknown, but expected to be hostile. Both
local settlers and the American Government were far from wanting to see
hunting parties arriving from Canada. The crisis of General Custer's
campaign was not far in the future. Under the circumstances, any
conflict was a ground for anxiety, and liable to exaggeration. When, in
August, Moise Laroque of Buffalo Lake and three Cree companions were more
or less executed for stealing Blackfoot horses, the incident was greatly
exaggerated in all written sources, except by John Kerr (Sissons
1946:166-167), who was present.
The Hudson's Bay Company's officers, moreover, knew something which
was still a well-kept secret. The powers in London and Montreal wanted
to abandon the remaining pretences of governing and the basic conditions
of employment. Despite their frequent reassurances to the Trade
Commissioner, James A. Grahame, the wintering partners were not
altogether enthusiastic about this (Hardisty Papers, Various Items;
Saskatchewan District 1874-1892: specifically 1874-1879; Trade
Commissioner 1874-1893; MacFarlane Nd.; Doucet 1869-1877). Commissioner
Grahame 's statements supporting the proposed new order were somewhat
extravagant:
The day has gone by for the Company to act as the Almoner of
the Saskatchewan. Your remarks about the difficulty of
collecting Provisions in consequence of starvation are strong
endorsements of the tenets I wish to inculcate, understanding
as I do that our object is to make money [Hardisty Papers,
Item 459].
- 39 -
The old system of term-service contracts was abolished except for
officers, clerks, and interpretive staff: the policy of self-sufficiency
in all occupations gave way to hiring out contracts. As far as can be
determined, between 20 and 30 families were directly affected (Edmonton
Post Journals, 1854-1873; 1877-1881; Hardisty Papers, Items 556-562;
Census Enumeration, 1881).
Between January and May, the Company had been taking what was
perhaps the most accurate census of the area (Hardisty Papers, Items
556-562). In April, 14 families with 61 people in them were residing in
Fort Edmonton itself, as well as 13 single men. However, some further
five to 15 households in the neighborhood had been "in the service," if
not in residence. The people in the surrounding district were numbered
as indicated in Table 2, following.
TABLE 2
CENSUS OF 1874
Community White and Half-Breed Indian Families Other
Fami 1 ies Households
Families Indiv. Families Indiv. Households Pop.
Lac Ste. Anne
32
161
17
92
2
2
Fort Assiniboine
5
23
10
22
2
2
Rocky Mountain
House
14
59
390+-
3,390
(est.)
Lac la Nonne
61
193
80
387
29
29
Victoria
35
143
203
913?
2
2
Edmonton Dist.
11
47
16
16
Long Lake
(St. Albert
Trail)
10
48
5
23?
2
2
Pigeon Lake
3
12
9
66
St. Albert In-
dians (incomp.)
19
44
3
3
St. Albert
Metis, Whites
( Incomplete)
105
495
1
53
Totals
276
1 ,181
733+-
4,937
57
109
- 40 -
PERSONS PER FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD UNIT
Fami ly
Units
Individuals
Persons/
Fami ly
All House-
holds
Ind.
Persons/
Household
All Families
(Households)
1 ,009
6,118
6.1
1 ,066
6,227
5.8
White,
Halfbreed
Cree,
Stoney
276
383
1 ,181
1 ,787
4.3
4.7
716
i f\~i i
3 ,077
4 . 3
B lackroot
(estimate)
350
3,150
9.0
350
o , 1 bU
9 . U
Add: Fort
Edmonton Post
14
61
4.4
27
74
2.7
All non-Black
foot Families
(Households)
673
3,029
4.5
743
3,151
4.2
1881 Dominion
6.0
5.5
Census, areas
settled for
three years or
more (Mss. return,
Edmonton Dist.)
The change, therefore, threw between 27 and 68 people out into the
world to fend for themselves. In 1874, the scrip returns indicate that,
of 763 individuals, 46 moved southwards; the Battle River area had 202
identifiable individuals (gaining 21); and the Bow River district had 35
(gaining 26), who had been associated with the Upper Saskatchewan. This
is assuredly an underestimate. In short, the Battle River-Buffalo Lake
area gained about 26 residents (approximately a 10% increase).
Is it reasonable to suppose that the sudden change of circumstances
for Company servants abruptly released a substantial number of people
into these migrations? Tentatively, for Buffalo Lake, probably not; for
Bow River, it almost certainly did. Of the 763 individuals who resided
in either area, only 62 lived in both areas, even if both large
migrations southwards, those of 1874-1875 and 1879-1881 are included
(Scrip Appl ications) .
- 41 -
Thus, even if large numbers of Battle River people journeyed
southwards, they came back.
The people who later entered the Treaty reveal something about the
different nature of the emigrants to Bow River. Of 170 identified Treaty
individuals in the Buffalo Lake district, no one band membership was
prominent. However, at Bow River, more than half came from Enoch La
Potac's band (Table 3, following).
Nations and Bands
TABLE 3
NATIVE POPULATIONS
Battle River-Buffalo Lake
Bow River
Blackfoot Nations
Stoney Bands
La Potac
Ermineskin, Sampson
Alexander
Alexis
Cree Bands
Passpasschase
Bobtail
Pakan
Other
Michel (Iroquois-
Ojibway)
Sub Total
Blackfoot
Stoney
Cree
Other
45
27
8
2
34
13
5
30
6
82
52
30
31
4
4
2
2
0
0
6
41
2
9
Grand Total
170
58
- 42 -
If one wished to describe the most outstanding attribute of the La
Potac Band, it would be that it was an artificial creation of Indian
Commissioner Edgar Dewdney, who persuaded a large number of detached
families at or near Edmonton to gather together. Most of the band were
day-labourers or Company servants by occupation.
In short, the people moving to the Bow River in 1874-1875 were
younger, more recently in the country, and more likely to have been among
the discharged "Company servants" than those moving to the Battle
River-Buffalo Lake district. Clearly, however, the Company's action in
changing its policy on employment released a rather large number of
people who then had to find a new mode of life. Between 1873 and 1875,
118 out of the 763 persons examined moved either to Bow River or Buffalo
Lake (see detailed enumeration of figures for the years 1865 to 1875 in
Table 4, following) .
TABLE 4
POPULATION SAMPLE IN THE BATTLE RIVER
AND BOW RIVER AREAS, 1865 to 1875
Date
Battle River
Bow River
Total
1865
46
0
46
1869
76
2
98
1870
95
3
98
1871
126
3
129
1872
157
9
166
1873
181
10
191
1874
202
35
237
1875
213
96
309
Net Gain, 1865-73 +135 +10 +145
Net Gain, 1874-75 +32 +86 +118
Total +167 +96 +263
Although these people were not invariably unsuccessful in the
following years, there was little question among local officers that for
many ex-servants, life became very difficult indeed, regardless of rank.
- 43 -
References are consistent in their assessment: the Hudson's Bay Company
demanded very hard work, but it fed, housed, and clothed an employee and
his family.
The Company's actions had a very disconcerting effect on the Upper
Saskatchewan people, and it is a matter of living memory that Buffalo
Lake was the scene of a great council in the fall of 1874 (Borgstede
1986:97). What was discussed is difficult to discern. By the time it
was being held, the arrival of an armed police force was expected, and at
least the party accompanying Grandin back from France wondered if the
force would behave like Wolseley's army at Red River. Ambro'ise Lepine's
brother was with the party, and the travellers heard much about
Ambroise's troubles with the Canadian legal system (OMI Missions
1875:554-565). Grandin arrived at St. Albert at a time of great
uneasiness, and apparently jumped to the conclusion that the meeting was
caused by Lepine's trial, and that the Buffalo Lake gathering was
preparing to flee to the United States (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 6,
Part 11; Vol. 22, Grandin to Laird, April 3, 1875). George McDougall may
have thought the same thing; he was present at Buffalo Lake distributing
gratuities, perhaps acting as the Government's agent and explaining the
aims of the Government and police (Hardisty Papers, Item 420; Dempsey
1967:20-30; OMI Missions 1876:35-38).
Although these matters may well have been discussed, Grandin later
admitted that his fears had been greatly exaggerated (Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 22, Laird, [December] 1876, A. M. Meredith [January 26,
1877]).
A second possible subject of discussion may have been the potential
economic crisis. Although the crops had been good at St. Albert, the
Mission's water mill had again been destroyed by flooding, and the sole
means of milling grain was William Bird's unreliable water mill on the
present-day Mill Creek in Edmonton. It seemed unlikely that any progress
towards agriculture could be encouraged under such conditions. Also, by
this time Grandin believed that the influx of English and American
immigrants would overwhelm his present flock altogether (Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 9, December 29, 1874).
Fortunately, in the Upper Saskatchewan, the feared dearth of food
did not occur. There was indeed great hunger at Fort Pitt eastwards, but
the spring and summer had been very wet to the west of Fort Pitt and had
drawn the buffalo northwards. William McKay, at Fort Pitt, reported
buffalo and American traders as early as January 16 (OMI Missions 1875:
554-565; Hardisty Papers, Item 473), and on April 6, John Bunn wrote
Hardisty from Victoria that there were herds north of the Battle River
(Hardisty Papers, Item 507). Both Fourmond, who returned directly from
the Bow River Mission, and Scollen, who made a very extensive tour
throughout the Plains, found buffalo plentiful everywhere (OMI Missions
1876:35-38). W. L. Wood, at Fort Pitt, expressly noted that the Buffalo
Lake people were making equally plentiful amounts of provisions (Hardisty
Papers, Item 443) .
Unfortunately for the Hudson's Bay Company, the plentiful herds were
decisive in bringing forward more trading opposition: both local traders
and those from Benton increased in number and were doing better
business. Part of the opposition was manifestly the result of Company
- 44 -
policy; selling to people at Winnipeg or Carlton who then became
merchants upstream was self-defeating. Through the letters of Lawrence
Clarke, Chief Factor at Carlton (Hardisty Papers, Items 629, 936, 938),
we know at least eighteen merchants trading at or near Buffalo Lake in
1874: Samuel Livingstone, John Kerr, Louis Courtourei 1 le, Joseph
Lamoureux, Abraham Salois, Ambro'ise Fisher, Felix Dumont, Toussaint
Salois, John Norris, Harry (Hiram) Johnston, William Houle, Louison
Montagnais, Donald McLeod, James Gibbons, Paul Fagnant, James McLachlan,
Pierre Boutin, and Joseph Harnois.
Not all of these individuals were operating on their own; John Kerr,
for example, was associated with McLeod and McLachlan in the fall of
1874, and joined Cuthbert McGillis' party the following summer. Nor did
Clarke list anyone who had purchased an outfit at Carlton.
The Reverend Alexandre Blanchet was apparently at Buffalo Lake
during the summer, and Scollen was quite certainly present just prior to
the "Great Council" (Doucet 1869-1877). Scollen had toured the Bow River
and Macleod districts, and would have had much to tell.
He and John McDougall had learned of important changes to the south
(Hardisty Papers, Item 550; Legal 1875-1885; Grandin Transcripts, Vol.
4; Vol. 9, December 23, "1872" [1874]; Vol. 15, Part 5, October 16, 1874;
D'Artigue 1976:78). The traders in the foothills, whom posterity called
"wolfers," were intending to raise livestock. Both men thought the
whiskey traders here were more civilized than in former years. However,
both were alarmed at others, who were situated between present-day Bow
Island and Medicine Hat. These whiskey traders had come there once the
International Boundary Line had been surveyed. They had already been in
trouble in Montana, and had few redeeming features. Scollen believed
they also were introducing systematic prostitution.
This would indeed have been a matter of concern for the "Great
Council" at Buffalo Lake. Cattle would have appeared to afford
opportunities: the new group of Montana traders posed a threat. The
infamous massacre at Abe Farwell's post in the Cypress Hills, which took
place shortly afterwards, would have confirmed any previous concerns.
Surely these things must have been discussed at Buffalo Lake.
Before the year was out, Blanchet or Doucet had sought advice from
Grandin on marriage matters at Buffalo Lake, and Grandin sought guidance
from Rome. Grandin's letter does not survive, but a Consistory of the
College of Cardinals summed up his worries in their reply of December 9
(Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 26, Part 2, December 9, 1874). Occasions of
men deserting unsatisfactory wives, coerced marriages, and polygamy were
noted. The first of these had been rare. The second abuse was not to be
considered a marriage at all; however, families were not above conspiring
to bring it about in some way. This procedure, which led to the marriage
of Charles Smith and Marie Delorme in 1877, was very well described by
Mrs. Smith (1948-1949:11:217; see also Carpenter 1977:60-62):
. . . we was warmly greeted by my mother and step-father,
there was much pleasant conversation between the three, and
then Smith asked my mother for permission to marry me. As
she looked surprise[d] he said "I asked her yesterday, and
she said, 'Yes' ."
- 45 -
"But I didn't know what I was saying," I shouted at
them. That made no difference. It was settled between my
parents and Charlie right then and Charlie gave my mother a
present of Fifty Dollars. Was I not then sold for that sum?
The third problem was complex. Where a man would not acknowledge a
single woman as his wife among several, the Church's ruling was that
those women who grew up under local rules could regulate matters
themselves. Those in need of protection or in poor health, and those who
had been too old for instruction, could continue to live with the man,
but they would have to promise to try to avoid being too alluring and to
do good works as compensation.
During Scollen's travels south of the Red Deer River, he had met
traders, but thought he had missed the Blackfeet, many of whom were along
the South Saskatchewan and Bow Rivers. The first bands he met he
believed were Plains Cree, under the leadership of Chief Sotai-na, then
74 years old (Dempsey 1972:661-662; OMI Missions 1876:35-38; Doucet
1869-1877). They were, in fact, Blood Indians, but may well have had
Plains Crees among them. Scollen stayed with them for the greater part
of the summer, as they slowly made their way towards the northeast.
Eventually, the camp divided into two, with Scollen's smaller camp going
on to the Battle River and then to Buffalo Lake.
Scollen's description of Buffalo Lake is very brief, but
enlightening (OMI Missions 1876:35-38). There were a great many natives
of every variety, including a very substantial number of other Blackfoot
bands. He was alarmed to learn that Buffalo Lake had not seen a Catholic
priest since Dupin and Bourgine had left the previous summer. No less
than four others were somewhere out in the Plains, but they had either
missed Buffalo Lake or not stayed.
Scollen's account also confirms traditions preserved by the
Bellerose and Whitford families (Clark 1967:35-36) that Buffalo Lake was
a major trading post set up at a convenient place. By this time, the
original founding traders had established it as a safe meeting place for
Crees, Metis, Stoneys, and Blackfeet, and as such it had become a
considerable settlement. But, despite a number of permanent residents,
Scollen maintained that it functioned primarily as a meeting place
trading in furs, provisions, groceries, and peace.
As a consequence of Scollen's travels, Doucet was assigned to
Buffalo Lake for the winter. His comments are disappointingly thin, but
still revealing. He noted that about 70 houses were occupied, while a
significant number of Cree lodges were also present (Doucet 1869-1875).
From this figure, and from a census Grandin and Lestanc made of St.
Albert early in 1875, Grandin thought there were between 300 and 400
Metis living at or near Buffalo Lake that winter (Codex Historicus de St.
Albert, January-February, 1875). Bobtail's 60 lodges and Sotai-na 's 50
lodges were certainly present (OMI Missions 1876:35-38), while other
members of every known Edmonton-area Treaty band can be traced to Buffalo
Lake. Without working out the numbers of Americans or Canadians of
European descent, the Buffalo Lake settlement had not less than 1,050
individuals present that winter. It is not surprising that Grandin found
that Doucet was very busy indeed during his stay (Grandin, Transcripts,
Vol. 5, Part 7, Doucet).
- 46 -
There is a general pattern for settlements undergoing rapid growth.
The evidence is largely photographic; indeed, the best overall view is in
the earliest photographs of Dawson City during the gold rush (Figure 6
b). Houses would form a reasonably solid inner circle of the settlement;
a belt of mixed houses and tents, both tipis and house-like tents, would
be next; and finally an outer belt of tents alone (Figure 7 a). Normally
the building of houses was done in the fall (O'Artigue 1882:124-125), and
the house was frequently built from within the tent.
The complex of genealogical data, and an early survey of the area by
C. A. Magrath (1883), suggest that the patterns implied above are a fair
statement of what Buffalo Lake looked like.
The tracings of known or possible cabin sites suggest that buildings
tended to be arranged about five to six at one place in very shallow
concave curves. Whether these clusters represent the inclusion of
outbuildings, such as stables, or concentrations of houses belonging to
extended families is not clear. In either case, the numbers of people
known to be present, and who would be expected to live in houses, exceeds
the number of sites located. A precise ratio of people to houses is
debatable, but various sources, notably the 1874 Hudson's Bay Company
census, and the 1881 Dominion census, suggest that the ratio increased
from about 4.5 people per house to about 6.0. Most of this growth
represents the slow replacement of the 1870 smallpox victims throughout
the decade.
There appears to have been a smaller core of houses at the south end
of Boss Hill, on the township line some two miles south of the main
centre. Genealogical analysis of scrip returns has revealed that a small
group of people associated with Augustin "Azure" Hamelin was isolated
from the main community between 1867 and 1883. Possibly this smaller
area represents this quasi -ostraci zed cousinhood. At any rate, some sort
of distinction based on family groupings and intermarriages seems
probable.
Flora Whitford Chalmers later claimed to remember some construction
on the crest of Boss Hill (Lyster et al . 1980:17). As will be described,
John Kerr wintered in an area to the south of the main settlement, which
was occupied by lodges or tents (Sissons 1946:213). This is consistent
with the model of development noted here.
Samuel Steele's (1915:84-86) estimate of 400 houses has been
frequently questioned. It may be simply that, at night, the number and
placement of buildings made the community seem that large. Nevertheless,
the indicated population (about 2,000) may only be a small overestimation.
If indeed there was a "grand council" at Buffalo Lake, numerous
considerations come together to account for its occurrence. The peace of
1872 was still holding, but the intervention of a rougher class of
trader, or the coming of the police force was disturbing the internal
arrangements between the Parkland and Prairie peoples. The remaining
buffalo herds in Canada were still plentiful in the Upper Saskatchewan,
but there were fears of entering too far into another group's territory,
especially as the chiefs were losing control.
The Buffalo Lake area was a safe place for working out several
important matters: the possibility of hunting laws, attitudes towards the
expected police force, preparations for Indian treaties with Canada, an
- 47 -
assessment of those traders who might be safely dealt with, and perhaps
the expected railway. The basic results of Sandford Fleming's railway
surveys were already known, and if his recommendations were followed
exactly, Salois' Crossing would be the nearest settlement to the line.
The Council was held under carefully controlled conditions. Between
early September and the middle of October, there was a six-week period
during which the people of the Upper Saskatchewan could work through some
strategy for the moment of great change without outside interference.
The missionaries had left, and the Police had not yet arrived. If
matters were not reported directly and in detail, it is not to be
wondered at. The people apparently considered it to be their own affair.
From events of the following winter and spring, the results of the
council can be inferred. The community apparently did not think that
there was much to be done about the buffalo. When the North-West Council
and the St. Laurent colony proposed conservation laws, the Upper
Saskatchewan opposed them: they did not expect either native hunters or
the Americans to respect such laws, and preferred to obtain whatever
share they could (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 9, February 28, 1875).
Some tentative relations existed with the Canadian Government
through Company officers and the missionaries. They were not necessarily
the best of relations, but both sides had behaved with more tact than
either side had done in Red River. The new Police were rather a
different proposition than Wolseley's army of 1870 had been; they were
dependent upon the local people for survival itself, and were well aware
of it.
It also appears that the Council tried to define rules
distinguishing reputable from disreputable traders. Although the
Hudson's Bay Company's traders were not ideal, the old Company was more
familiar and therefore thought more reliable. Some trading families were
better regarded than others; the reputation of Charles Smith, Addison
MacPherson, and Cuthbert McGillis were such that they left for Bow River
as soon as they could, which was on April 22, 1875 (Doucet 1869-1877).
Indeed, this departure was the largest single permanent move from Buffalo
Lake to Bow River prior to the 1880's.
Finally, a number of misunderstandings and uncertainties between the
various peoples were resolved, and after September, 1874, much of the
hesitation of Parklands people about coming out of the foothills began to
be relieved.
From this point onward, both Bow River and Buffalo Lake received
large numbers of migrants from the Edmonton district. As previously
indicated, the people migrating to the two destinations were of different
background and behaved differently. There would eventually be a large
migration from Buffalo Lake southwards, but the time had not yet come,
and it would come for reasons rather different than expected.
The next two to three years were to be spent in working through the
problems posed in 1874, before a new set of difficulties and changing
conditions presented themselves.
Migration to the south continued. Indeed the Bow River area
received more migrants than did the Battle River settlements. Once the
Police were actually present, the people from the Parkland or from across
the border began to edge their way out of the foothills, and past the
Riviere la Biche villages, on a more permanent basis.
- 48 -
The trading complex of the Upper Saskatchewan, quite sophisticated
for some years, had apparently added another degree of that
sophistication. Late in 1874, the larger free traders were employing
travelling agents. The idea was consistent with the pre-1870 Upper
Saskatchewan society, in which traders' families were normally fulfilling
this role (Weekes 1939; Charette 1976; Edmonton Post Journals,
1869-1873). John Kerr, for example, had formed a loose partnership with
John McLatchie in Red River in late August or early September, 1874. Two
others were hired, Fred Sache and Tom Isbister. Kerr and a connection of
trading friends spent the winter at Buffalo Lake, going out to visit
surrounding camps in the Battle River district. However, Sache and
Isbister went on to Bow River, and returned in the spring with their
trading results (Sissons 1946:195-196, 201-213). Abraham Salois was
similarly employing Pierre Lacorde in the following summer; Lacorde had
been a Buffalo Lake resident, but moved to Salois* Crossing upon his
return (Hardisty Papers, Item 580; Laboucane 1883).
The trade in buffalo was not particularly profitable. When Kerr
visited the Catholic Mission near Pirmez Creek in the spring of 1875, he
was informed both by Sam Livingston and Charles Conrad of I. G. Baker and
Company that nobody was purchasing robes or furs at Benton. Both,
however, believed a market could be had at Winnipeg (Sissons
1946:213-216). The Hudson's Bay Company's trade was almost entirely in
robes, and some disappointment is clear in Hardisty's annual report on
the 1874 outfit year: Hardisty wanted almost any other variety of fur,
but not buffalo robes (Saskatchewan District 1874-1892, B.60/c/ll,
Hardisty, June 8, 1875).
The crucial problem for the Company, however, continued to be
provisions rather than robes, and in the regions south of the Red River,
while the buffalo were plentiful, nothing much else was. Items such as
flour were enormously expensive, being available only from Benton or Red
River. Red River's goods came through Edmonton, and Benton's were coming
through very hostile Sioux camps on the Missouri. All goods were very
high priced (Hardisty Papers, Item 419). The Company's hopes for
improvements through steamboats still were not doing very well. On
November 2, 1874, Francis Whitford reported that shortages of blankets
had cost the Company much of the business brought to Buffalo Lake
(probably to John Kerr) by the Victoria area people (Hardisty Papers,
Item 421).
1875
Before the spring of 1875, Hardisty found himself sharing Edmonton
with an Inspecting Chief Factor, Robert Hamilton. Hamilton calculated
that by the end of that year, no fewer than thirty different traders at
Buffalo Lake had been supplied by Richard Hardisty, Lawrence Clarke, or
the new English firm at Duck Lake, Stobart and Eden (Hamilton 1875).
Close reading of the Company's documents, particularly the letters
written by W. L. Wood at Spitsea, and John Bunn at Ghost River, reveals
that although the Upper Saskatchewan Parkland people at Buffalo Lake and
Bow River did not as a rule change residence, there was much travelling
- 49 -
from one place to the other. As the Canadian Government's presence
became fixed, regular (if, as ever, belated) mail service and police
patrols passed Buffalo Lake on the way between Edmonton and Calgary. So
did traders, both Company men and others, who were diversifying into
cattle. With the solidifying of peace with the Blackfeet in late 1874,
the old Blackfoot trading route which passed by Tail Creek became very
heavily used. However, from the memoirs of both Jean D'Artigue (1882:
85-87) and the Reverend John McDougall (1973:197), it is quite clear that
the Metis sites along Tail Creek had not yet been established.
Nor was Buffalo Lake entirely occupied all year. Still, the place
was very populous when the Canadian Government appeared, in the person of
Jean D'Artigue, on March 7, 1875:
On the shores of the lake was a village inhabited by
Indians and half-breeds who were hunting the buffalo. The
half-breed [a trader who had travelled with him] who had
preceded me had apprised them of my coming; so a large
party came out to meet me, each contending for the honour
of entertaining an envoy of the Canadian Government.
Learning that I had come to see buffaloes, the
half-breeds assured me that they were to be found about
sixty miles south, and that it would be quite easy to
satisfy my curiosity. So the following day,
notwithstanding their friendly endeavours to detain me, I
set out in the direction of the Cree camp situated in the
valley of the Red Deer River [Sweetgrass1 camp at Big
Valley] [D'Artigue 1882:85].
John Kerr noted in his account (Sissons 1946:212) that Buffalo Lake
was not, in fact, inhabited solely by buffalo hunters, although, to be
sure, there were many of them. As spring of 1875 finally came, the
people broke off in two directions. Some went hunting, and others
hastened to get their spring crops planted. The season was very late for
the latter, and the situation in which Kerr found himself may not have
been normal .
I was left absolutely alone. But for me the great camp at
Buffalo Lake was deserted, the plains hunters and Crees had
left for the prairies, and early spring of 1875 was in the
air. I had no carts - otherwise I would myself have set off
for the Bow River - so I had to wait till Tom Isbister and
Fred Sache came along the trail.
It was eerie there by that great sheet of water. After
the laughing and chatter, the crowding and gambling and
haggling and hoarse shouting, it was strange to have only
sun, wind, rain, and wild life for company.
The boys arrived on a Sunday. I remember very well. I
was sleeping and was awakened by the sound of loud talking
and the rattle of carts. I sprang out of my tent to see the
boys driving past a quarter of a mile away, less maybe.
They didn't know I had a teepee, as I had none when I left
- 50 -
them, and thought it was some Indian's tent. I shouted and
waved my hands, and they turned and drove up . . . [Sissons
1946:212-213].
The arrangements that Hardisty had made for small Company posts were
without authority, indeed, rather with the disapproval, of his
superiors. Hamilton's view was that the Company's transportation
arrangements would always allow it to act as a wholesaler to the host of
traders (Hamilton 1875). However, after Hamilton visited several of
these posts, including Buffalo Lake, in October and November of 1875, he
concluded that they were needed. The hunting parties were increasingly
unpredictable in their movements, and the Company's new transportation
system based on steamboats was not sufficiently reliable (Trade
Commissioner 1874-1893, D20/4, f. 87, Clarke to Grahame, January 13,
1876; D20/4, f. 141, January 31, 1876; Hardisty Papers, Item 595).
It seemed to Hardisty, in his report on the outfit year ending on
May 31, 1875, that Whitford had succeeded quite well at Buffalo Lake,
despite heavy opposition trading (Saskatchewan District 1874-1892,
B60/C/11).
In the mid-1870's, trade into the Bow River area from Buffalo Lake
was growing. In April, 1875, approximately 65 individuals left Buffalo
Lake for Bow River; 61 of these traced through families recorded in Metis
scrip applications. Between 1875 and 1880, a net migration of 26
individuals to Bow River and 18 to the United States can be traced, for a
grand total of 109 emigrants. As the sample upon which these people are
based (Day 1985) is not complete, the actual numbers may have been larger
than that. At the same time, the movement of people who eventually became
Treaty Indians was rather small.
As far as can be seen, then, the net migration in and out of the
Battle River area was rather limited: either 154 or 183 went southwards,
and either 133 or 144 went elsewhere (mostly to Battleford or Prince
Albert). Opposed to this, either 148 or 180 (respectively) came into the
district. Consequently, although there was a net migration outwards, it
came within a range of 39 to 47 people among the Metis community. Either
a very large minority or a majority of those who migrated did so in 1873
and 1874; both emigration and immigration ranked lower after 1875.
By one reckoning, then, the net migration from the Battle River area
to all places was 72. As 187 emigrants (possibly 239) are counted, there
was obviously a large number of people coming in: 115 or even 167.
Apparently, of these people, about 22 (or 31) came from outside the
Upper Saskatchewan. Therefore, there must have been a major movement
from the areas of the Upper Saskatchewan to the north of the Battle
River/Buffalo Lake areas; between 93 and 136 people who were from the
area between Victoria and Whitford Lake, to that between Lac Ste. Anne
and the Bear's Hills.
It is to the Victoria, Edmonton, Lac Ste. Anne, and St. Albert
settlements that one must turn to account for the new migrants to Buffalo
Lake. The fact is quite well documented, although the sources have not
been well known (or, in one case, available until very recent years).
The regular departures from the Sturgeon River area and Edmonton are
noted frequently in Grandin's diaries, in the Codex Historicus de St.
Albert, and the Edmonton Post Journals when they resume in 1877.
- 51 -
Why should this migration have occurred, and why should it mainly
have been from St. Albert and Lac Ste. Anne? The reasons are surprising,
and they open the question of the decline of the Buffalo Lake settlement
to reconsideration.
The answer is short. By 1875, the Upper Saskatchewan's Parkland
residents had made headway in taking up agriculture. However, a series
of misfortunes beyond human control forced a large number of settled
residents into the Plains, not, as is usually stated, because there was
an overwhelming desire to continue a hunting life, but to evade
starvation.
As to the numbers of people living by agriculture, the facts are
more or less as follows. On December 29, 1874, Grandin estimated that 64
Metis and Canadian families resided at Buffalo Lake, and of these, 15
were settled to agriculture. This estimate was revised upwards to
between 300 and 400 people on January 5, 1875, apparently after Scollen
had added further information: apparently another 50 to 100 Metis and
several large Cree camps were at points of which Doucet had not been
aware (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 9, two letters, December 29, 1874;
Vol. 15, Part 5, December 29-January 5, 1874/1875). Thus there were
about 65 individuals known to have been living by agriculture at Buffalo
Lake, and possibly between 10 and 30 at other points nearby.
In the winter of 1874-1875, 400 people remained at St. Albert and
took no part in the hunt (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 15, Part 5, May 13,
1875). By the winter of 1876-1877, when conditions were much worse, 70
families with 346 individuals in the area west of the Mission at St.
Albert and on the St. Albert Trail were no longer dependent on the hunt,
although 20 families with 158 individuals still were partly or wholly
dependent on the hunt (Codex Historicus de St. Albert, January 11, 1877;
Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, January 1-11, 1877; Day 1985). Most of
these families, however, had not abandoned farming.
About the same time, Grandin learned from Lestanc and Fafard, who
were looking after Buffalo Lake that winter, that most of the people were
looking for possible agricultural land (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 22,
Grandin to Meredith, January 26, 1877).
In general, the crops grown in 1874 were successful. However,
something had to be done with grain crops once they were harvested.
While nothing is known about the operations of the Hudson's Bay Company
mill at Edmonton for that year, in general it did not function well. At
the same time, the St. Albert Mission's watermill was gravely damaged by
flooding of the Sturgeon River (Hardisty Papers, Item 574). Closer
inspection by Grandin and Lestanc revealed that the supposed unhappiness
at the fall, 1874, meeting at Buffalo Lake had less to do with Government
mistreatment of Ambro'ise Lepine than the inability of the mills to handle
the crops. This was not encouraging to people who were in a sense
experimenting with cultivation (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 9, December
29, 1874; Lestanc 1910).
In the fall, there were warnings of disaster. The year had been too
wet for sufficient quantities of hay, while it is implied in the Hudson's
Bay Company correspondence that considerable efforts had been made to
invest in livestock. Therefore, there was a bad shortage of feed even
before winter arrived.
- 52 -
Although the circumstances of winter's onset in the Parkland are not
well known, it came early and hard to southern Alberta, and both men and
livestock were freezing to death by November (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol.
4; Vol. 5, Part 7, N.D. de la Paix; Codex Historicus de St. Albert,
1874-1885; Lestanc 1910; Trade Commissioner 1874-1893, Various Items;
Hardisty Papers, Various Items). Although the winter apparently set in
reasonably late farther north, the snow was very heavy, and it appears
that the domestic livestock could not get any grass. Together with the
existing hay shortage, this made it impossible to feed the unfortunate
animals .
A brief thaw in February apparently laid down a second ice cover
between layers of snow, but caused the early breakup of several streams,
making travel southwards very hazardous. Only in early March could snow
be cleared away from patches of ground. Another such thaw and very cold
re-freezing occurred early in April, and that was enough to destroy most
of St. Albert's domestic livestock (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, January
1-April 15, 1875).
If any of this was causing difficulty at Buffalo Lake, however, it
is not apparent in surviving accounts, of which there were four, for that
winter (Doucet 1868-1926; 1869-1877; D'Artigue 1882; Steele 1915; Sissons
1946). Apparently it was very cold, but the buffalo were numerous, and
Salois' choice of the site in 1872 had been based on just such a winter.
Doucet arrived at St. Albert on March 10 by dog team, with one companion,
having travelled overnight. Jean D'Artigue, who left a few days later to
see the Battle River district, had relatively little trouble in
comparison with most travellers.
As the spring took its time in coming, anxiety about the 1875 crop
would have been unavoidable. Most people had already used up everything
extra from the 1874 harvest; the Police found that there was none to be
bought for any price (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, April 9, 1875).
Normally, one would want to start spring ploughing about April. Some
crops, notably conventional wheat, had to be planted in the first week of
May. April, however, proved to be a month of abortive thaws, followed by
unusually late spells of extreme cold, "frightful" roads, and very unsafe
waterway crossings. There were heavy ice flows in the North Saskatchewan
as late as May 6, and no sooner had the true thaw set in, about May 4,
than hailstorms arrived. By any measure, the season promised to be very
short indeed, probably much too short for any wheat other than the native
Red Club variety.
May continued to be alarmingly cold, as Grandin and Lawrence Clarke
agreed on May 18 at Carlton. Clarke's anxieties were not diminished by
his knowledge that the Hudson's Bay Company's plans for riverboat
transportation were extensive, a plan that had every appearance of
unreliability, while the livestock losses made freighters hard to find
and debt-ridden as well. The fears of both men proved to be entirely
justified (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, May 18, 1875; Hardisty Papers,
Items 629, 936, 938).
June was cold and had strong winds. Fortunately, the rains came
when they were needed. Equally fortunate, there were a large number of
buffalo. Given the latter fact, a very large number of people could be
expected to head out to the Plains. A new priest, Christophe Touze,
replaced Doucet at Buffalo Lake early in May, and Scollen apparently
- 53 -
joined him there during the summer. For the entire Bow River crop had
been destroyed by grasshoppers, and its people had to come northwards.
Thus not only Scollen, but both John and George McDougall were present at
Buffalo Lake (J. McDougall 1875a; 1876a; 1876b; Dempsey 1967:24; Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 9, July 6, 1876).
Fortunately, the fall frosts were late, the killing frost coming on
October 2. Although Lestanc's own experimental Red Fife wheat came close
to being frozen, most of the St. Albert people who were leaving for the
fall hunting were able to do so on September 15, and most who had
returned had done so by November 6, when wintry weather first occurred
(Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, October 2-November 15, 1875; Codex
Historicus de St. Albert, November 5-11, 1875). The harvests were good,
but that result could not have been foreseen.
At this time, the detailed survey work on the Canadian Pacific
Railway line was beginning in the Upper Saskatchewan, and although the
route was open to question, it was soon apparent that it would pass quite
close to Abraham Salois' farm and store. Both farming and trading
households, then, had good reasons for being in the Buffalo Lake district
in 1875. Indeed, there were a good many people wno were leaving for
Buffalo Lake from St. Albert after both the fall hunt and harvesting were
completed (Codex Historicus de St. Albert, November 23, 1875).
Despite the departure of Cuthbert McGillis' group of families in
April, 1875, the settlement by Boss Hill had grown very substantially.
In the previous fall, 64 Metis or Canadian families were there; when
Lestanc and his colleague, the newly ordained Leon Fafard, arrived there
in November, they counted 80 families at this one site (about 440 people)
(Codex Historicus de St. Albert, February 2-March 14, 1876). Francis
Wh.itford, who had come from Pigeon Lake in August, had already been
alarmed at the site's overcrowding, and the arrival of even more people.
Even before the fall hunt was complete, he observed, on September 12:
I do not know where all the freemen is gone [going] to
winter, some here and goodness knows where the rest is to
winter [Hardisty Papers, Item 610].
In truth, the Buffalo Lake site was no longer able to accomodate any
substantial immigration. Although the site might have been running low
on wood for fuel and building purposes, frequently a reason for
abandonment, detailed descriptions by both surveyors (Magrath 1880; Miles
1883) and later settlers cast considerable doubt on the matter. Indeed,
the very heavy growth of trees on the north side of the lake, and east of
the trails to the south and southwest of Lynn Lake, are noted by all
sources between 1880 and 1900. One recorded reason for abandonment,
derives from Philip and Donald Whitford, who both claimed that the water
levels had become too high (Lyster et al. 1980:393, 396; Anonymous
1963:115; Clark 1967:35-36, 361; Magrath 1883). A second, mentioned by
Tyrrell ( 1 887 : 34E) , suggested that the people left for areas closer to
newer trading posts.
But the main point is that before long the Buffalo Lake people had
to start a second major settlement, which comprised at least two distinct
villages. The new villages were along Tail Creek.
- 54 -
As far as can be determined, the earliest reference to this location
as a village appears in a letter from Francis Whitford written at Tail
Creek on November 1, 1875. Buffalo were plentiful, and so were traders.
On November 16, Whitford noted:
I think the traders is goin to keep us busey for they
are running each other already [Hardisty Papers, Item
612].
1876
John Sinclair, supposedly assigned to the Bow River area, found
himself being pulled northwards by the Hudson's Bay Company's
competitors, first to Big Valley, and then to Buffalo Lake itself, as
Francis Whitford was unable to leave Tail Creek (Hardisty Papers, Item
772). Sinclair's letter from Buffalo Lake of January 22, 1876, is of
considerable interest. He was supposed to be obtaining robes, but these
were not of interest to the people there:
As the Robs are come down to 5 Inst. I will gain nothing
and I dont see my staying here much longer. Its only
expensive feeding dogs and I dont know what to do with
these goods, weither to hand them over to Francis or take
them down to Edmonton. Since I came to Bulls lake, I only
bought 2 Robes and only a few Bags of Pemmican.
I am going off once again to the Plains, I left some
of my stuff out there, for its no use to try & buy a Robe
for five Skins. The talk here is all about the price of
Robes, and Horse Trading & nothing more [Hardisty Papers,
Item 773].
However, Sinclair was unable to leave. The Police had sent Captain
Leif Crozier from Battleford to start a post at Buffalo Lake. However,
Crozier's previous assignments and a very arduous journey had left him in
an advanced state of nervous exhaustion. Sinclair had discovered him
wandering far off course, apparently insane, and found himself nursing
him back to health for the rest of the winter (Horrall 1975; Hardisty
Papers, Items 737, 772). This attempt was supplemented by a meeting In
July, 1875, between Inspector Jarvis, and Major-General E. Selby Smith,
at which time a separate decision was made to establish a post at the
mouth of Tail Creek (Horrall 1975:35, Selby-Smith, Report, January 1,
1876). Colonel James Macleod claimed that the decision was based on a
recommendation by Scollen (Macleod 1876).
In early August, it appears that Scollen visited the area, as more
than one priest was now required. After he and Touze returned to St.
Albert on September 4, he left for the south on September 28. However,
he seems to have visited various encampments on the way, and perhaps
these visits indirectly give a founding date for Tail Creek (Doucet
1869-1877; Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, August 1-September 28, 1875).
- 55 -
Leon-Adelard Fafard left for Buffalo Lake on December 15,
accompanied by Sub-Inspector Severe Gagnon, who proceeded to Tail Creek.
Fafard went on to the older settlement. However, when Lestanc left to
assist him in January, he found a house-chapel had already been built at
Tail Creek, which Gagnon was using as the Police Station. There is a
slight disagreement as to Fafard's departure date and route in the
sources, and two dates of construction are possible. Either gives a
possible date of foundation for the new Tail Creek site.
Either Scollen made arrangements though the local people during
August, or Fafard had been instructed to do so when he left with Gagnon.
Grandin thought the latter was the case, as his diary states that Fafard
was to go by Salois' Crossing, possibly to consult with Abraham Salois'
family. The Codex Historicus' author, either Alexandre Blanchet or
Lestanc, thought the arrangements were already made, and Gagnon evidently
left on that understanding. Therefore, the Tail Creek site's foundation
may have been accomplished as early as August, 1875 (Codex Historicus de
St. Albert, December 15, 1875; Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, December 17,
1875).
Lestanc left on January 10, 1876. After visiting Fafard's
house-chapel at Buffalo Lake, he apparently arrived at Tail Creek on or
about January 16, when he found Gagnon in the Tail Creek building
(Lestanc 1874-1879; Codex Historicus de St. Albert, February 2, 1876).
The Tail Creek house-chapel was functioning as a public hostel, and
it was impossible to tell whether the Police were running the clergy, or
the clergy the Police. A master-and-servant case on February 17, 1876,
led to the eviction of the two policemen from the house-chapel. When
Grandin passed by Tail Creek in June, 1876, he noted that the building
had not been erected in haste (Figure 7 b), and neither were the
buildings of the new Police post (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, June,
1876; Vol. 4; Codex Historicus de St. Albert, February 17, 1876).
Lestanc (1874-1879) wrote on February 2 to report that an additional
50 families lived along Tail Creek. This number excluded Protestant
families, whom George McDougall visited in December (Dempsey 1967:24;
Codex Historicus de St. Albert, February 2, 1876). In mid-March, Lestanc
added (translation):
1876 Jan. 10. My departure for Buffalo Lake where
Monseigneur sent me to preach the Jubilee. Good weather.
The comment on the weather is significant, and will be discussed
later. Lestanc was ten days late due to very poor weather. The
"Jubilee" refers to a periodic year of special devotions in the Roman
Catholic Church. As practiced in the territory, these devotions would
resemble Methodist camp meetings (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 9, December
31, 1875). Lestanc (1874-1879) continued:
Buffalo Lake is about 100 miles south of Edmonton. I
arrived there on Friday towards noon [January 14]. We had
superb weather and took four complete days to reach it. I
found Father Fafard installed comfortably in a small and low
barrack, but fitting and warm ....
- 56 -
The term "baraque" does not imply a shanty or cabin, but a rather
more permanent house, although certainly not luxurious (Figure 8a, b).
The account continues:
... He lacked nothing: above all, he had a good roof over
his head. The camp of winterers placed at Buffalo Lake had
a good eighty families, without counting a small camp at
Tail Creek, and two others at the Red Deer river. . . .
(The St. Albert Codex Historicus for February 2 mentions 130 Metis
or Canadian families.)
... I spent two months with these able ("bons") Metis of
Buffalo Lake, and I was very happy with their good will in
general. They showed a great anxiety to profit from the
Jubilee, At the end of the Jubilee I had seen one of the Red
Deer River camps. . . .
Lestanc (1910) added a few notes in December, 1910, in his
reminiscences .
... As there was a great camp of Metis at Buffalo Lake
that particular winter, Mgr. Grandin wished to give these
good hunters the means to practice their Christian duties
and gain [the benefits of] the Jubilee and sent them the
Reverend Father Fafard, a young priest newly arrived from
Ottawa and all freshly ordained at St. Albert.
This Father Fafard was full of good will; unfortunately
he did not know Cree and the largest number of our hunters
spoke no other language. ...
This observation is not quite correct. Most of the people who did
not accept the Treaty were at least trilingual, although they spoke Cree
best of the three.
The Codex, and Lestanc' s Notes, therefore, place 80 French Canadian
or Metis families at Buffalo Lake, and 50 at Tail Creek. This is to be
preferred to a letter frequently cited, which speaks of 100 families in
the entire area (Lestanc 1876).
Fafard, for his part, was shocked by the dances at Buffalo Lake, and
thought he had brought them to an end by New Year's Day. About all that
can be said is that he was inexperienced; the Buffalo Lake fiddlers
played music at the Christmas Masses at the St. Albert Cathedral. On
April 10, 1876, Lestanc (1910) observed:
. . . Mgr. judged it appropriate, therefore, to send me to
Father Fafard's aid. For myself, it was a holiday ("fete")
to pass some time with these able ("bons") Metis: it was
like old times. I passed two months with Father Fafard at
Buffalo Lake; nearly all the Metis approached the
sacraments, and did their best to gain the Jubilee. I
returned to St. Albert at the beginning of March. . . .
- 57 -
Grandin's Memoirs add a little more. The Fafard mission had been
decided after a visit of two delegates from Buffalo Lake, Leon Delorme
and Louis Hamelin, on December 12. Apparently twin house-chapels had
been erected at the expense of the people. Grandin had no funds (Grandin
1854-1957, Box 1, Item 3, State of the Diocese, 1876; Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 7, Part 12, State of the Diocese, 1877), and it is
quite inconceivable that he would have entertained building anything
beyond whatever existed from 1868 or 1869. He observed that the
house-chapels were the same as most of the buildings at both places:
small and plain, somewhat provisional in nature (although not temporary
cabins or shelters), and quite well built. He was rather pleased with
them, and thought them preferable to most house-chapels, which he
described as "most often only poor and sad barracks. ..." (Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 7, Part 12, State of the Diocese, 1877).
They were usually about 20 feet wide, 30 feet long, divided into two
rooms by a blanket, one room being a chapel, and the other a house. Both
rooms were required on Sundays. In his subsequent travels, Grandin was
to find equivalent structures to the south and from Fort Pitt eastwards
which were very much worse than what he saw at Tail Creek in June, 1876
(Figure 7 b) .
Although the harvests in the Parkland in 1875 were reasonably good,
several things created problems. The volume of barley was light. At the
same time, the Canadian Pacific Railway surveyors were eating local
produce over the winter, and were likely to upset a delicate balance
(Grandin, Transcripts, Vol 1, March 1-30, 1876; Vol. 5, Part 7, St .
Albert, March, 1876). Moreover, the winter of 1875-1876 was another
prolonged and very cold one.
There was no observed shortage of food, at least until March, but
the stock of non-buffalo food began to run low. Grandin's Diary also
records a considerable amount of trouble in threshing the grain crop. It
had been caught by the early and severe weather, while labourers to do
the threshing were in short supply. By February 17, the St. Albert
Mission had to send its labourers out to buy pemmican at Buffalo Lake:
they obtained 2,100 pounds of it, which was about ten times what John
Sinclair could procure.
By early March, both Grandin and Inspecting Chief Factor Robert
Hamilton found that available food had run out. The price of food was
beyond the means of most people who had not hunted buffalo. The winter
in the Parkland had been bad enough, but in the Bow River country it was
disastrous. Frostbite cases in the Parkland came to St. Albert, but
frostbitten men in the south froze. The most famous casualty of that
winter was the Reverend George McDougall, although his freezing was
probably the result of a heart attack or stroke.
Moreover, the spring was again late in coming, and the roads were
extraordinarily poor in March and April. However, some crops were
planted by April 25, and comments in the Codex Historicus de St. Albert
on May 2 about the hunters' "horror of cultivation" ought not to be taken
too seriously. Most who left did so after regular barley and potato
seeding was completed.
After a series of pastoral visits in March, Grandin concluded that
although 700 to 800 St. Albert people were out on the Plains (including
- 58 -
some 600 in Metis or Canadian families counted by Lestanc at Buffalo Lake
and Tail Creek), 500 residents were no longer interested in living by
other modes than cultivation (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol 1, March 1-30,
1876; Vol. 5, Part 7, St. Albert, March, 1876; Codex Historicus de St.
Albert, April 1 to May 2).
Shortly afterwards, in June, Grandin undertook a long-delayed
journey to the Bow River area. His diary entries mention several
important things. On both occasions, he travelled thorugh the
present-day Hobbema Reserves, which were then uninhabited. The St.
Albert Codex Historicus for April suggests the Treaty bands were hunting
northeast of Buffalo Lake, and west of Whitford Lake. On June 17, he
camped at Tail Creek, where the only people present were the Police. On
a later occasion, he remarked that their new post was manned by a
Captain and two Constables. Moreover, the post was, in his opinion, the
best built police station south of Fort Saskatchewan (Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 9, July 6, 1876).
The post was at the mouth of Tail Creek, and the Police operated a
public ferry there. The crossing of the Red Deer River was difficult and
dangerous, and it took over an hour for the ferry skiff to cross. The
rest of the journey to Calgary took three days of hard travelling.
For a second year, any possible crop had been consumed by
grasshoppers everywhere between Benton and the Red Deer River, and most
of the people in the Bow River country had gone northwards. At the same
time, Grandin learned that very few local residents ventured into the
Cypress Hills, and, in recognition of the fact, the Cypress Hills were
transferred from St. Albert's jurisdiction to that of St. Boniface.
Grandin was deeply shocked by the building practices of the Bow
River people, and his comments are among the best guides to the nature of
things at Buffalo Lake and Tail Creek. In the Calgary area, only one
building, an outpost of the Spitsea Hudson's Bay Company post, was all
that well built:
. . .the others are provisional. For the moment these are
but poor huts with planking neither for ceiling nor floor.
It must certainly be that the cold is less rigorous than
that of our north, for otherwise one would freeze in them.
I passed a Sunday [June 25] there, and I officiated as
pontifically as possible in the poor hut which serves as a
chapel. The house which is attached contained the
population which perhaps was only fifty, all the natives and
many of the Metis now being on the prairie. . . [Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 9, July 6, 1876].
At Macleod, however, it was even worse, although the furnishings
were more luxurious:
Everything is provisional, everything is provisional, as much
those of the police as those of the citizens. You do not
have such sad constructions in the north. I do not believe
that any could be more distressing.
- 59 -
The "poor hut" allows an indirect comparison with the Buffalo Lake
house-chapel. Doucet (1869-1877) gives this building's size as five
metres by five metres. While this building would barely hold 50 people,
Fafard had no difficulty in administering Communion to 60 individuals at
Christmas Mass (OMI Missions 1877:503-507). This would not include the
entire congregation, by any means. Apart from English and Cree-speakers ,
children under 14 would have been present, but not able to receive
Communion. In addition, it was usual for Protestants to attend this
particular service.
Consequently, it is reasonable to suppose that Fafard had at least
twice the amount of floor area available to him than this Elbow River
house-chapel had. It was not less than 50 square metres in area.
On July 25, Grandin observed that wooded country, the first north of
High River, began about twenty miles north of Lone Pine (near present-day
Olds). Passing by Antler Hill, his party came into the approaches to the
Buffalo Lake area. Grandin missed the Tail Creek crossing and returned
to the old Stoney crossing on the present Highway 2. The former crossing
was hard, but despite very high water, the Police ferry was more
efficient, and probably safer (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 9, September,
1876).
North of Calgary the first person met by Grandin 's party was the new
ferry operator at Edmonton, John Walter, who had not expected their
arrival, and was visiting Fort Edmonton. While waiting in pouring rain,
Grandin was greeted with the news that every crop had been utterly
destroyed by a hailstorm earlier that day.
Remaining doubts about the total failure of crops everywhere in
Alberta were resolved within days. The killing hail was followed by
several days of killing frost. Nowhere was any crop of any type left.
This was the greatest of successive agricultural disappointments.
Moreover, results of the summer hunt were becoming known. Although
the buffalo hunt was not disastrous, it was not good either. A final
disaster concerned hay: it was far too wet to make enough for the
domestic stock. By August 4, Lestanc and Grandin were planning a plea to
the Canadian Government for provisions, both for eating and seeding.
By this time, it was evident that the Treaty Commission's meeting at
Fort Pitt was going to be much more important than it had initially
appeared. The combination of misfortunes was grave. There were no crops
anywhere north of Benton, and the 500 or more people who depended on
cultivation had nothing but the hope of an unplanned fall hunt (Lestanc
1910). Commercial transactions in buffalo fell dramatically from June,
1876, and it became clear whatever was hunted must be eaten (Hudson's Bay
Company 1870-1893; Hardisty Papers, Item 845).
Fortunately, the fall buffalo hunt was reasonably good, and
immediate starvation was avoided, but none seriously expected the results
to be more than temporary. James A. Grahame, the Company's Trade
Commissioner, was receiving some colourful letters on the virtual
collapse of the Company's transport system. On August 31, 1876, Lawrence
Clarke wrote from Carlton that:
The Governor left for Fort Pitt this morning - Mr. H.
Sutherland has just come in and goes straight in. I merely
- 60 -
say that we have lost all the Treaty money, and as we have
not a single piece of goods at Fort Pitt, will lose all
there. I dont know where the steamer is nor can I hear
anything of her. We are out of Tea, Sugar & Flour, and as to
goods we are nowhere ... I shall be in a nice fix about
English River & Edmonton. . . [Trade Commissioner 1874-1893,
D.20/5, f. 177].
And after frightening reports of starvation in the north had been
received, Hardisty was, if anything, more stringent:
As regards the Transport between this and Dunvegan, I must
say we are scarcely prepared to forward any quantity of goods
further than Slave Lake. In the first place, the road from
Slave Lake has not been commenced . . . The carts and oxen
intended for here are all at Carlton ... It would be folly
to send a band of young, unbroken steers and calves, and
expect a band of unbroken Indians to do the transport. It
will be difficult to say which of the two would require the
most training. I cannot see what possessed Mr. Clarke to
send up these young, untrained animals ... I am at a loss
to see what they are sent for. . . [Trade Commissioner
1875-1893, D.20/6, f.43, January 9, 1877].
The Treaty at Fort Pitt was widely attended, although the precise
numbers are uncertain. Events at both these negotations and those at
Blackfoot Crossing are still matters for debate. While the Fort Pitt
meeting has been the subject of severe criticism, even before the end of
the 1870's, many of the criticisms now made more properly belong to other
meetings .
Peter Erasmus' account, and the difference between the Commission's
opening statement and the final text, leave little question that the
bands who adhered to the Treaty drove a much harder bargain than the
Commission expected (Erasmus 1976:241; Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1,
August 28-September 11, 1876; Morris 1880:168-244).
The bargaining had been already going on for some time when Grandin
arrived on September 8. Scollen had met Grandin about halfway to
Battleford, by which time it was known that arrangements for relief
flour, bacon, and seed were needed everywhere, and, as cash payments were
being made, herds of merchants were present. Grandin was able to
purchase large numbers of oxen and cattle, which eventually made their
way to the unfortunate freighters of the Upper Saskatchewan (Codex
Historicus de St. Albert, September 29, 1876; Erasmus 1976:253-255,
261-262). Indeed, the presence of traders, and the Blackfoot experience
with American traders, may have been decisive in making the Treaty appear
necessary (Erasmus 1976:247-249).
Both Erasmus and Grandin were well pleased with the result of the
meetings. They subsequently met between Goodfish Lake and Saddle Lake,
and travelled to Victoria together, spending three to four days ensuring
that all was understood. Grandin would have assumed that Erasmus, who
frequently worked on behalf of the Methodists, would be able to ensure
- 61 -
that group's co-operation (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, September 10-15,
1876; Erasmus 1976:253-255).
Mention has been made of the cash payments which came under the
Treaty 6 agreement. For the years 1877, 1878, and 1879, the Police Post
at Tail Creek was the usual place of payment for people under Treaty who
lived west of Fort Pitt (Indian Department 1878-1889, Vol. 9412, File
10985, pp. 474-477, October 8, 1878; Vol. 1677, File 187, 1879). Cash
was a very rare commodity prior to the 1885 rising, and, even after, it
did not meet the commercial needs of Edmonton's economy until 1897 at the
earliest. The payments were not large: the total came to $44 per
individual for the years 1877 to 1884, and many were late in receiving
them (Scrip Applications). However, the total amount paid was per
individual , not per family, and while the actual purchasing power of a
"dollar of account" was about $30 in mid-1980's terms, the cash dollar
was worth somewhat more: about $36 at Fort Edmonton in 1879, and a
somewhat lesser amount at Buffalo Lake. Thus a family of six (the 1881
average) would have received $264 for the 1877-1884 period, or more than
$7,920 in present purchasing value (Day 1982).
It will not be wondered, therfore, that even more merchants and
adventurers came into the Upper Saskatchewan and were to be found at or
near the Battle River settlements. All available sources show that a
very large number of European descendants came into the Upper
Saskatchewan in 1877 and 1878 and stayed. A number of individuals who
had gone south, such as Cuthbert McGillis, Charlie Smith, and Addison
McPherson, returned. The Lafournaise dit Laboucane family settled at
Salois' Crossing at this time. Buffalo Lake's character as a commercial
centre was very solid for the rest of the 1870's.
At the end of August, 1876, the inhabitants were not at Tail Creek.
It appears that the buffalo herds lay west of a line between Whitford
Lake and present-day Scotfield. They were too far east for Tail Creek,
but Buffalo Lake remained heavily occupied, although the evidence is
indirect. John Sinclair set out for the Company's place at Buffalo Lake,
which was Whitford's old establishment at the northeast corner (Grandin,
Transcripts, Vol. 1, March 1, 1876; Northern Department Council
1868-1880, June 1, 1876). Scollen might well have gone by to visit
Fafard (0MI Missions 1878:355-357).
Fafard, moreover, seems to have learned a great deal about writing:
when he left St. Albert, he was scarcely literate, but in the end, he
wrote, or was assisted in writing, a letter which is the most exact
description of the Buffalo Lake site (0MI Missions, 1877:503-507).
Fafard and most of the people at Buffalo Lake and Tail Creek came in
to St. Albert on September 5. After a particularly solemn Mass on
October 1, Grandin gave a full account of the Treaty from the Cathedral's
pulpit. He then spent the next few days rearranging matters both for Bow
River and Battle River. Grandin had problems in finding a partner for
Fafard, and so it was not until October 30 that Fafard and an elderly,
insecure, and nervous Reverend Alexis Brunet could leave. Fafard left
for Buffalo Lake, and Brunet was to look after Tail Creek and Grande
Pointe (Spotted Lake, see Figure 3) (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol 1; Codex
Historicus de St. Albert, September 5-0ctober 3, 1876).
Doucet's rough notes for the period suggest that Fafard had had to
go out into the Plains, particularly in the summer of 1876, as it was no
- 62 -
longer possible for one large single hunt to support itself. As Doucet
himself was not travelling (OMI Missions, 1878:355-357), his sources of
information included Scollen and some of the Bow River Metis. However,
although this proved to be the case in the winter of 1876-77, Fafard does
not appear to have travelled very far in the winter of 1875-76.
On October 3, 1876, Fafard dictated or wrote the following account
(translated) :
Eight days after my ordination, I received my obedience
to go and exercise the holy ministry in the middle of a
Metis population, in the neighbourhood of 800 souls,
wintering at Buffalo Lake. . . .
This would not include the Tail Creek or Grande Pointe villages.
... It had not been without a certain apprehension that
Mgr. Grandin saw himself forced to confide this work in me,
and I myself was far from being without worry because of my
inexperience.
... I visited all of this population which surrounded
me. Everywhere I received a good welcome; these poor
people seemed so happy to see me! They responded to the
invitation which I made to them to assist every morning at
Holy Mass and each evening at prayer. I profited from
their gathering each day to give instruction to which they
listened with the greatest attention.
During the first days, I carried out numerous
baptisms. I administered this sacrament to 80 children and
6 adults during the course of the winter and summer. At
the time approaching the feast of Christmas, I pressed all
those who knew French to approach the sacraments [of
Penance and Communion]. About 80 responded to my call, and
at Midnight Mass I had the joy to distribute Holy Communion
to 60 of them. How I was happy, on that holy night, to
celebrate the birth of our Saviour in the midst of this
population of Metis whom I already loved so much and in
this modest and poor chapel which reminded me so well of
the stable at Bethlehem! What a happy coincidence for me
to begin my career as a Missionary and a saviour of souls
on the same night when our Lord appeared on earth to be the
Saviour of the human race! I did not hear the angel choirs
celebrating the arrival of the Messiah, but the songs of
our good Metis filled me no less with the emotions of it,
and I forgot, in this circumstance, the pompous ceremonies
for which this Feast is the occasion in our beautiful
Cathedrals .
The holidays which followed were well sanctified.
However, the demonstrations of joy seemed excessive to me;
I made the observation of it, and soon there was an end to
the feasting and dancing.
I was vividly touched on the first day of the year, in
seeing all the people gather around my little house. . . .
- 63 -
Fafard uses maison, not cabane, as a Quebecois French -speaker would
make the distinction; similarly Fafard's French colleagues used baracque
or maison, not bicoque.
... to wish me a Happy New Year and ask my blessing; the
spirit of faith and the good disposition of these dear Metis
made me hope that I would be well in their midst: I was not
mistaken.
A few days after the beginning of the year, I went to
visit some sick people in two camps of departed Metis about
30 miles from the Mission. I profited from it to announce
to them the Jubilee which was to be preached at Buffalo
Lake. Father Lestanc came to join me to this effect a
little after Epiphany [January 6] and as soon as possible we
began these holy exercises which lasted fifteen days. . .
[OMI Missions 1877:503-507].
Lestanc (1874-1879), as his notes record, arrived about noon of
Friday, January 14, 1876. He was ten days late, and would have been
expected at Buffalo Lake or another site by January 4. Fafard's given
distance of thirty miles, normally a two-day trip, would equally well
apply to sites at Tail Creek or Salois' Crossing, if he meant to meet
Lestanc. The mention of two distinct camps is more consistent with Tail
Creek than Salois' Crossing, although either is more likely than any of
the increasingly scattered Plains camps. The presence of ill people
virtually rules out the latter. Besides, there was a prepared place for
Lestanc at Tail Creek, and Sub-Inspector Gagnon was in it. This passage
would appear to give an indirect corroboration of Grandin's memory of
Lestanc's journey. Although the writer of the Codex Historicus and
Fafard both believed that Lestanc went by way of Tail Creek, it appears
that Fafard went to Tail Creek and did not find him there. Rather,
Fafard was back at Buffalo Lake when Lestanc arrived there, and Lestanc
proceeded onwards to Tail Creek later. Grandin's later recollection that
Lestanc went by way of Salois' Crossing is given some support, and with
it, the possibility that the "Salois connection" had arranged for the
Tail Creek house-chapel (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, December 15,
1875-January 10, 1876; Vol. 4). Fafard continues:
... We gave two instructions by day, one in Cree, by
Father Lestanc, and the other in French, by myself. With
the exception of two or three persons, everyone [received
the benefit of] the Jubilee. One can affirm with joy the
extraordinary good worked by these holy exercises. The
Father Superior [Lestanc] passed several days more with me,
and profited by it to visit another camp of Metis.
From the beginning of January until Easter, I taught
catechism in the morning to the children, and in the
evening to a certain number of ignorant young men who
regularly assisted at these classes. . . .
- 64 -
Some forty families were sending their children to some form of
daily school. As the presence of an entire family, including the
youngest, was needed on a hunt, maintaining a school of any sort was a
struggle. At Tail Creek, Brunet's efforts were to fail completely in the
winter of 1876-77.
The approximate figure of 800 Metis at Buffalo Lake is confirmed:
Fafard estimated it from the number who attended the Masses and other
services. The "other camp," noted above, however, included the villages
at Grande Pointe and Tail Creek. Fafard also indirectly says other
things about language usage. The various settlements understood his
French somewhat better than he realized. He explains why Grandin did not
stop at the settlements on the way southwards, and how he was in an area
where the Crees of the Fort Pitt District also were to be found.
. . . Towards the 15th of May, I left Buffalo Lake, after
having waited vainly for Mgr. Grandin, who was to confirm
the children, and I followed a party of Metis, who had
stayed at the mission all winter, in their travels across
the plains. On the road, I met many Natives and Metis who
had not seen a priest all winter. A great number profited
of my presence to make their Easter and Jubilee duties.
Work was not lacking. It is especially in the prairie that
these poor people have need of a priest; the life which they
lead and the dangerous hunting expose them to perils of
every nature. Each day, I taught catechism to the children,
and every night I brought the camp together for prayer and
the recitation of the Rosary. I also had the consolation to
have had attentive hearers every day at Mass.
I met some camps of Crees and Blackfeet. Alas! The
number of those of them who lead a truly Christian life is
still very small. . . [OMI Missions 1877:503-507].
Another account of the district may now be considered (D'Artigue
1882). In August, 1876, Sub-Constable Jean D'Artigue and "Sub-Constable
M." were assigned to replace the original Police staff at Tail Creek.
They were not altogether reliably guided there by Constable Patrick
Curran .
While travelling, they passed Pigeon Lake's settlement on its
northwest shore. While nobody was present, D'Artigue noted the
cultivation of grain and other cereal crops. The area of good land was
limited, and this agricultural area was not capable of expansion.
However, D'Artigue thought the crops were good in quality. The main food
there was fresh or dried whitefish.
Four days later D'Artigue's party reached Tail Creek about
midnight. There were four policemen waiting for them in the new post
built since their eviction from the house-chapel in February.
Unlike Palliser, and the constable then in command, D'Artigue was
not impressed with the site's possibilities. The surroundings looked
like a desert. It may be that the oral tradition of a sand barrier
between the lake and the creek comes from the circumstances of this
particular year. As to the post:
- 65 -
Fort Tail Creek consists of three buildings only, whose
walls are made of logs placed one above another, and the
roofs formed of poles covered with hay and earth. When the
roofs have not sufficient pitch, the rain easily penetrates
them. . . [D'Artigue 1882: 120].
Obtaining the right pitch for a sod roof was, in fact, not difficult
for a builder familiar with local customs, and many families, notably the
French-Canadians at Lamoureux, continued to prefer sod to spruce or pine
shingle roofs until early in this century. However, errors were made,
and these can be shown by photographic evidence both at Calgary and Fort
Macleod.
Grandin's Diary (Transcripts, Vol. 1, June 17, 1876) of his first
visit to Macleod confirms D'Artigue's first point indirectly. D'Artigue
continues:
. . . Two of the buildings (one used for men's quarters and
the other for a stable) are surrounded by a stockade made of
stakes. As for the third house, it was the dwelling of the
constable or the officer, as the case might be, in charge of
the post. Situated in a bushy valley, Fort Tail Creek is
overlooked by hills covered with fir trees. On the right,
flows the Red Deer River, on the left, Tail Creek. But the
site is not a good one; for in time of war, the surrounding
hills would afford a refuge, and protection to the enemy.
However, the Tail Creek Post's true purpose was to keep an eye open
on the major and very old trade route; it was not military in intent. It
was a new settlement, at least as a Metis site, but the houses were meant
to last from year to year.
About the middle of October [1876] the Indian and half-breed
hunters began to arrive; the former having no carts, but
using their squaws . . . their horses and dogs to transport
their baggage; as for the half-breeds, they carried their
luggage in Red River carts, and as many of them had been
there the previous year their cabins were ready to receive
them . . . but the new comers had to build . . . .
The houses would be pretty rough, and so the word "cabin" would
occur to the Ontarian translator. D'Artigue (1882:119-121, 124-125)
continues :
. . . and this is the way they set about it: selecting a
site well sheltered from the wind, and amply supplied with
food and water, they felled some trees, and placing the
trunks one above another, formed the walls of the new
building. The roof was constructed with poles placed in
rows and covered with hay and earth. Holes were cut in the
walls for door and windows, the latter being closed in when
so required with the skins of animals; while the doors were
made of slabs of wood. . . .
- 66 -
The word "slab" indicates that the logs were being squared either by
broadaxe or whipsaw. There are oral traditions of sawpits at the Buffalo
Lake site, but doubt has been cast on identified remains. The pieces cut
off the round log made a "slab."
. . . split with the axe and fastened together with thongs
of rawhide. The chimney was constructed with unburned
bricks composed of hay and mud, and the floor formed of
hewed logs completed the carpenter work. This done, they
plastered the crevices well with mud and the cabin was
ready for occupation.
There are several good photographs of such chimneys, which match
other written accounts.
The surroundings of Fort Tail Creek were soon occupied
by three or four hundred persons, and night was made
hideous by the deafening cries and repeated pow-wows of the
Indians, and the no less discordant screeches of the
violins of the half-breeds, who vied with the Indians in
turning our hitherto peaceful valley into a very bedlam.
Winter came at last in all its vigour, and snow fell in
abundance early in November. Then followed the storms
common in these regions and which usually arose very
suddenly, so suddenly, indeed, that the bands of hunters
roaming over the plains in search of buffalo were often in
danger of being overcome before reaching shelter.
1877
Reverend John McDougall described the situation in the winter of
1876-1877 as follows:
The past winter has been a hard one for the Indians all
through the country, owing to the building of shanties and
winter houses on the various water courses, and far down on
the plains by mixed bloods and whites, thereby blocking out
the buffalo, the usual supply for meat and trade having
failed: and as the reasons already given are so palpable,
there has naturally arisen in the Indian mind a feeling of
discontent, and a gloomy outlook as to the future; and as
there are always some, who, though knowing better, still
encourage such feelings in the native mind it falls to the
lot of the Missionary to do what he can to soothe and conci-
liate. . . [J. McDougall 1877:xiv].
Both Fafard and Doucet claimed that there were Metis among the
people about whom McDougall is writing. Note also that McDougall
distinguishes between "shanties" and "winter houses."
- 67 -
There was reasonable agreement that the winter of 1876-1877 was very
difficult. Fafard and Alexis Brunet left for Buffalo Lake and Tail Creek
respectively on October 30, as a blizzard observed by D'Artigue was
beginning. On November 3, even lighted fireplaces at St. Albert could
not prevent water from freezing in the Bishop's Palace. Illness, likely
an influenza, not in itself serious, but enough to slow outside work to
nothing, was in the settlement by November 6. It was likely also present
at the Battle River settlements. Although this severe cold spell, and
the illnesses, were over by late November, the concern of the Tail Creek
Police for any remaining people on the Plains was understandable
(Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 5, Part 7, Brunet).
There were still substantial herds of buffalo, although the people
of Battleford had to reach Antelope Lake (by Youngstown) to find any
(Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, various references). Although small herds
reappeared 20 miles away from the Spence Creek post, virtually no trade
could be made at Tail Creek. The buffalo there were needed for food, and
the Company's stock of goods was wintering at some unknown point between
Prince Albert and Cumberland (Trade Commissioner 1874-1893, D. 20/27, f.
91 , 29 September, 1883) .
Given the fact that there was a shortage of food, including animal
fodder, the early cold spell was alarming. It prevented hunting, while
the need to keep warm meant that more food had to be consumed. Although
Fafard was able to report that matters at his own mission at Buffalo Lake
were going well (Trade Commissioner 1874-1893, 020/10, f. 79, May 1,
1878), more alarming reports were coming in from the Plains. The
freighters who were to retrieve the Hudson's Bay Company goods could not
leave until early December, and absorbed frightful financial losses,
while outright hunger was stalking those who were still hunting. By
December 10, the St. Albert Mission decided that an emergency journey to
Benton for food supplies was necessary. Both Scollen and Lestanc
undertook these journeys (Hardisty Papers, Item 1098; Lestanc 1874-1879,
1876; Doucet 1869-1877, January 2, 1877; Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1,
December 10-26, 1876; Codex Historicus de St. Albert, December 10,
1876-January 15, 1877).
The following events are derived from the St. Albert Codex
Historicus and Grandin 's Diary. The warmer weather of late November was
a trap, for there was much thawing. On December 15, the cold weather
began again, burying the icy roads under a cover of snow, thereby making
them most dangerous. By December 18, all local authorities had
recognized that the situation was grave. Indeed, when Grandin arrived at
Edmonton, he encountered the two Hudson's Bay Company Chief Factors,
Hardisty and Clarke, the Inspecting Chief Factor, Robert Hamilton, the
Reverend Henry Manning of the Methodists, the Reverend Doctor William
Newton and his (Anglican) bishop, John McLean of Saskatchewan, any
available North West Mounted Police officers, a stipendary Canadian
magistrate by name of Beaulieu, and many others. Vital Grandin came
close to panic; he was seriously ill, in the middle of some very
unpleasant negotiations, heavily in debt, and obviously in need of some
means to keep St. Albert fed in the spring. Under these circumstances,
the combination of officials unnerved him altogether.
- 68 -
However, he had a pleasant surprise. His Anglican counterpart, Dr.
McLean, was convinced that the St. Albert Mission had the best
understanding of the country and people, and would be the best means of
ensuring that emergency relief would reach all in need. McLean held
control of the meeting throughout, and any sectarian feeling that may
have been feared was dispelled. A census was begun forthwith, in
preparation for a grant of relief that Governor Laird had already
approved by telegraph to Colonel Jarvis.
The first 15 bags of flour were released from the Police stores on
December 20. It was indeed clear that it was not too soon, and a
"scandalous battle" broke out over its distribution the following day.
Another ominous plunge in temperature occurred on December 22, further
straining supplies, but driving the combatants indoors. By Christmas
Day, calm had been restored. A general meeting at the St. Albert Convent
schoolhouse on December 27 led to agreement on rules, while another 40
bags of flour (4,000 pounds or 1,818 kilograms) were immediately
available. More supplies by Government Courier and many people from
outlying districts arrived at the same time. Consequently, January 1,
1877, had more than ceremonial cause for celebration. It was, in fact,
one of the few times the Bishop ordered a formal Te Deum Laudamus service
of thanksgiving.
At Buffalo Lake, at Battleford, and at Bow River, the hunting was
going reasonably well.
Grandin and Lestanc visited the areas upstream from the Mission, and
the Long Lake settlement along the St. Albert Trail, and accounted for
441 people, excluding 63 associated with the Mission, Convent, and
Orphanage. He listed 20 families with 156 people as being partially
dependent on the hunt: the rather large average family size probably
accounts for that. The 285 other individuals were distributed among 70
families. The Mission concluded that another 44 families who could not
be visited were out on the Plains. If these families were "average" in
size (about five per family), 376 people normally at St. Albert were on
the Plains. If the large average is indeed significant, the actual
number of individuals temporarily at Buffalo Lake or Tail Creek may have
been as many as 500.
On December 7, the Codex Historicus noted that a letter from Fafard
reported that the Buffalo Lake site was doing well. The Reverend Alexis
Brunet, however, was not happy at Tail Creek (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol.
5, Part 7, Brunet).
The correspondence that followed is important for several reasons.
Travel conditions were very poor: Brunet wrote from Tail Creek on
December 14 and December 15, but his letters only arrived on January 6,
1878, 22 days later. A third letter was lost altogether. Grandin's
reply of January 8 notes some important things. While the people were
scattered on the hunt, Grandin was not surprised, nor did he think that
this was unusual any more. Yet there were still families who were
staying at Tail Creek, rather than hunting, for Brunet was able to hold
some catechism classes there, even if attendance was small. Grandin
placed a great emphasis on the lack of education among the people, and
was not impressed by Brunet' s lack of interest in catechism or in
travel. Indeed, Brunet hoped Fafard would do all the travelling with the
- 69 -
summer hunt; presumably enough people stayed in one place. Actually,
Grandin hoped to send Lacombe there, as it seemed he might return to the
country. Grandin finally referred to tension between French-Canadians
and Frenchmen.
Grandin, in fact, mentions a crucial thing. Even in this worst of
times, Brunet had 20 families under his care at Grande Pointe, and rather
more, perhaps up to 30, at Tail Creek. Fafard's letter, quoted
previously, suggests not fewer than forty families were continually
resident at the Buffalo Lake site. These, be it recalled, exclude
Protestant families and many native ones. Therefore, 90 Catholic
families, at a minimum, were constantly resident at the Buffalo Lake
settlements in this winter of 1876-1877. From Methodist data, notably an
inspection report by the Reverend A. Sutherland, about 750 individuals
under Protestant influence may also have been present (Sutherland
1880:cxxv-cxxx; Morris 1880:173-175).
In the winter of 1876-1877, D'Artigue (1882:125) believed there were
300 to 400 people in the valley itself, which would exclude Grande
Pointe. His figure must include members of the Treaty Bands. There
were, in addition, not fewer than thirty merchants. Fafard's post at the
northeastern corner of the lake had almost surely had in excess of 800
souls in the previous winter of 1875-1876. As Francis Whitford had
observed, that site could not bear many more people, and we have seen
that this led to the large-scale occupation of Tail Creek. Therefore,
one may gather that there were perhaps 800 to 900 people at Buffalo Lake,
perhaps 350 at Tail Creek, and not less that 400 at the Spotted
Lake-Grande Pointe areas by mid-December, 1876. In view of the
subsequent severity of the winter, the number may well have increased.
D'Artigue (1882:126) noted that stragglers came in throughout the
winter. The total number was surely not less than 1,500, and 1,700 is
not beyond reason.
On February 1, a constable who had been at Buffalo Lake, Sergeant
Richard Carr, apparently brought in some messages. Both the Edmonton
Post Journals and the St. Albert Codex Historicus are clear about his
purpose: the arrangements made with the Government involved two distinct
loans. The first, as noted, was flour for those with little or nothing
to eat. The second, to be delayed, involved seed wheat. The names of
those who needed it were being taken in early February, and Carr would
have to see either to a census or the distribution of the seed in the
Battle River area. Since the Government assistance was not a gift, but a
loan, there was to be a rather large amount of debt.
By March, 1877, there was very little question that even with
government assistance, and a reasonably good buffalo hunt, hunger was
widespread. Indeed, only the area most dependent on the buffalo, the Bow
River, seemed not to be affected (Hardisty Papers, Various Files, 1877;
Trade Commissioner 1874-1893, D.20/8, f.26). It appears that distress
was particularly acute among the people who had adhered to Treaty 6.
Although entitled to supplies as a matter of right, people on Treaty were
not, therefore, included among the arrangements especially made for the
winter. The general difficulty did not lie in intention, but in
implementation. Supplies had to be obtained and then transported, and
the Hudson's Bay Company's transportation system had collapsed between
beached steamboats, unsuitable hauling livestock, and poor roads.
- 70 -
As ploughing had an early start by April 19, those Edmonton and St.
Albert people who either wanted or needed to hunt began to leave on May
3. However, Abraham Salois had exactly one robe left for the Company
after he looked after his own interests.
Equally telling, in their own way, are memoranda of accounts owing.
On April 2, 1877, the Fort Garry Accountant, George S. MacTavish, noted
that debts in the Upper Saskatchewan (from Victoria upriver) had come to
$11,413.72 in total, although, at that time, the losses seemed heavier
for the 1875-1876 year than 1876-1877. Therefore, he reckoned that
$8,028.27 in debts were likely to be paid (Trade Commissioner 1874-1893,
D20/9, f. 79). However, Lawrence Clarke ultimately had to obtain court
orders to the sum of $7,150.59 by July 17, 1878 (Hardisty Papers, Item
1098). Therefore, only $4,263.13 was actually collected. The
anticipated loss for 1876-1877 had been $852.33, but in fact was
$3,410.80. Some of the heaviest losers, however, recovered in the
following years, as for example Felix Dumont, Paul Fagnant, Louis
Montagnais, and Joseph Lamoureux were to do. Others such as John Ashen
and Hiram Johnston, although having smaller debts, never did recover from
that disastrous year of 1876-1877.
Similarly, a memorandum on debts from Lac Ste. Anne residents,
compared to the 1874 Census, reveals that 14 out of 32 families mentioned
in the census were in arrears. The losses as a whole were rather small,
but some families were in very serious difficulties. As the accounts are
in the old Made Beaver standard, exact valuation is not possible, but in
practice, one might arbitrarily put a Lac Ste. Anne value at 1 MB = 70£.
The mean average family debt was then $15.33, but half the families owed
less than $11.90. A thirty-fold conversion into modern purchasing terms
will paint a very approximate picture. Nevertheless the point is that
these debts were most unlikely to be paid in 1877, if ever (Hardisty
Papers, Item 1098).
Some of the statements are not nearly so unemotional. At Fort Pitt,
Peter Pambrun noted that on February 26:
Buffalo are nowhere near us, even if they were, we have no
horses [Hardisty Papers, Item 1013].
and further added on March 26:
I do not know how the poor Beggars will live when there
are no Rabbits & no Buffalo to run out to. We are in a
manner bound to maintain them, so far. It is of course
understood that they are government dependents but I think it
will take Mr. Laird some time before he will command means at
Battleford to maintain 6 or 800 Indians [Hardisty Papers,
Item 1015].
At St. Albert, Grandin observed in his Diary (Transcripts, Vol. 1)
for March 22 (translated) that:
We do not know any longer how to furnish the famished
with food. It is truly desolating and worrisome. Each
day, there are more of them coming.
- 71 -
The delayed effects in the far north were perhaps the worst. Chief
Factor Roderick MacFarlane thus wrote from Fort Chipewyan, as these
results took hold:
This year we have absolutely no provisions whatever in
this District & I dont know how we can get the boats in to
the Portage [Grand Falls on the Athabasca River] 1st trip
next spring & feed the people here. There are no Deer
anywhere this year - and if don't at least fret [freight]
700 pieces [70,000 pounds or 36,400 kilograms] to Slave Lake
... we shall be completely dished; so will MacKenzie River
as we cannot keep them otherwise . . . All our Indians are
starving this Winter ... I am afraid lots of Indians will
perish before Spring [Hardisty Papers, Item 1077].
It seems appropriate that Fafard, Brunet, and a very large number of
their flocks returned to Edmonton and St. Albert on Palm Sunday, March
25, the beginning of Holy Week (Grandin, Transcripts, Vol. 1, March 25,
1877; Codex Historicus de St Albert, March 25, 1877). The people kept
coming in small hungry groups, both Metis and Stoneys, throughout April.
However, planting could begin on April 20, a little earlier than usual,
and the Police had a shipment of both seed and provisions on April 24.
1878 AND THE ABANDONMENT OF THE BUFFALO LAKE SITE
Much of the following is drawn from the Scrip Applications and the
Edmonton Bulletin.
Although the winter of 1876-1877 was not the last year of major
occupation, either at Buffalo Lake or Tail Creek, it was its greatest
year. From Spring, 1877, onwards, however, the story of both places is
one of decreasing population. If all Battle River settlements are
included, the district lost a net total of 50 people in the sample
population traced in the scrip applications, or one-fifth of its 1876
population. But the readjustments in population within the Battle River
district were major ones, and when immigration is measured after natural
growth rates are calculated, it becomes a much larger factor than at
first appears.
An obvious cause for major changes was the rapid disappearance of
the remaining buffalo herds, a fact so obvious that it has frequently
been taken to be explanatory in itself. However, while a few people
associated with the Buffalo Lake area became part of the last effort at
hunting buffalo in the far south, even in the United States, a careful
examination of family "biographies" assembled through the scrip returns
suggests that this particular cause was not as significant as it first
appears to be. First, the three preceding winters had demonstrated that
the Upper Saskatchewan society had become increasingly dependent on
cultivated crops and domestic livestock. The buffalo, plentiful or not,
were no longer sufficient for life in any event. Indeed, hunger stalked
the people despite the fact that the hunts had actually improved during
the mid-1870's.
- 72 -
Second, the event had been long foreseen, and other forms of living,
including commercial business, had become an end in themselves. The
process of adaptation to either commerce or agriculture took time, about
seven and five years respectively, but by 1877 and 1878, this adaptation
was proceeding.
The abandonment of the Buffalo Lake and Tail Creek sites was,
ultimately, caused by migrations made for these reasons. The movement of
people who lived by the buffalo towards the last herds in the south was
not large enough to count for much. Most people who were so motivated
had been edging southwards into the Bow River district from 1872 onwards.
Two distinct migrations can be traced. The first, which drew
heavily upon the English-speaking population, was eastwards towards
Battleford and Prince Albert. The reasons were almost entirely
commercial, and although several families remained there, others
continued to follow economic opportunity. A large number went to Calgary
in anticipation of the revised Canadian Pacific Railway route, and not a
few were back in Edmonton as other opportunities opened up in
transportation. A few families of agricultural mind had also anticipated
the revival of the old Calgary - Lone Pine - Bear's Hills trade and war
route, and had established a settlement which may be identified both with
Ponoka and Morningside prior to 1884. Their presence, as well as the
economic successes of the Hobbema Reserves, was to draw both I. G. Baker
and Company and the Hudson's Bay Company back to Battle River.
Similarly, the signing of Treaty Seven in the Blackfoot and
Morleyville Stoney territories presented attractive prospects both of
trade and employment. Many of the people at Buffalo Lake, including the
oldest families, had become well aware of the effects of cash payments,
and were not slower in moving after the benefits than any trader from
Winnipeg, Ontario, or the United States. Many had already been trading
into the Bow River for years.
Salois' Crossing, and the later Todd's Crossing, drew away many of
the people whose interests lay in agriculture. Salois' Crossing, now
Duhamel, had its time of prosperity and a large Metis - native -
Franco-Belgian population before its people began to drift back towards
St. Albert, or took an active part in the St. Paul des Metis colony.
Indeed, most of the people of Ri viere-la-Biche moved to Salois' Crossing
between 1883 and 1887, and in the latter half of the decade, Salois'
Crossing had 500 Catholic parishioners, as opposed to an estimated 125 in
1881. Todd's Crossing was rather similar in nature, although it had more
English-speaking people than did Salois' Crossing.
In addition to the signing of Treaty Seven, and the drift back
towards Salois' Crossing, Todd's Crossing, and St. Albert, several
specific events of the later years of the 1870's apparently hastened the
abandonment of the Buffalo Lake site. A working grist and sawmill
apparently was in place on the Sturgeon River by the end of summer.
Threshing machines made a competitive appearance at the same time, under
the auspices of two old Buffalo Lake traders, Louis Mearon and the
Lamoureux brothers. Not least important was the fact that for several
successive years, crops were good: if one section of the St. Albert -
Edmonton - Fort Saskatchewan complex did badly, another covered the
losses .
- 73 -
A very mild winter in 1877-1878 appears to have caused at least two
major crises of health. Two or three illnesses of an undefined nature
occurred in St. Albert during the spring of 1877, although Doucet had
already noted the outbreak of scarlet fever in the Bow River area. Both
that illness and typhoid fever were identified at Edmonton before the
winter of 1877-1878 arrived. Apparently the warm winter kept some
viruses and bacteria alive and well. There were few fatalities,
generally among very young children. However, it was certainly cause for
alarm, and at least some Bow River families returned to St. Albert in
order to be near its medical facilities.
In September, 1877, the North West Mounted Police post at Tail Creek
was apparently closed, although Treaty payments continued to take place
there, the last occasion being in the fall of 1879 (Edmonton Post
Journals and Battleford Herald, Fall, 1879; Indian Department 1878-1889,
Vol. 1677, File 187), and many merchants and traders remained. There
were still enough occupants at Buffalo Lake to justify one resident
Catholic clergyman, the Reverend Alexis Bourgine. Bourgine had virtually
no capacity to travel, having a severe case of epilepsy caused by the
smallpox. However, he spent the two winters at Buffalo Lake,
specifically not Tail Creek (1877-1878 and 1878-1879), and presumably
functioned adequately.
Bourgine, however, did not travel with the hunters, whose bands were
smaller and more scattered. This was left for clerics in better health.
This was the general practice of all denominations: one clergyman who was
either old or ill remained at a base site, and all others travelled. It
appears from a consensus of sources that the scattered bands were largely
composed of Plains Cree or non-Christian Woods Cree.
The final end of the age of the buffalo on the Upper Saskatchewan
was not doubted. Even in the winter of 1878-1879, hunting was still
possible, but the failure in the spring of 1879 was complete. There were
no buffalo anywhere north of the United States, or, rather, none that
anyone could find. A very few isolated groups were still hidden in far,
inaccessible places north of Empress, and the last reported were located
by some of Big Bear's people in 1887. However, it is unlikely that the
total number amounted to even 100 animals. Bourgine thought the total
absence of provisions would finish Buffalo Lake as early as March, 1878,
but the end was apparently recorded in the Codex Historicus de St. Albert
for July 31, 1879. At that time, a group of Metis who had not been at
St. Albert for several years, returned "in great misery," and much death
by hunger occurred among the Plains Indians. It is the last known
contemporary documentary evidence of occupation at the Buffalo Lake site.
However, it is not entirely clear that some occupation did not carry
on for a time. Although Charles A. Magrath reported abandoned houses in
his field notes for the Eleventh Base Line, and wrote of the entire site
as if it was deserted in March, 1883, further survey evidence and local
tradition leave open some doubt. Marriage patterns suggest that a group
of families associated with Antoine "Azure" Hamelin was ostracized from
the mainstream of Battle River society from 1868 until 1883. Magrath's
houses are considerably isolated from the others located to date.
Although no survey line actually ran through the site, a range line was
run very near by, but the surveyor, Miles, made no comment (Miles 1884;
- 74 -
Lacombe 1883; Clark 1967:35-36). However, Miles' survey showed higher
water levels than the published Township Map, drawn up ten years later,
would indicate (Thompson 1894).
Oral tradition in the district derives from the Whitford and Bruneau
families, and a few Treaty people from Hobbema who resided on the north
shore of Buffalo Lake in 1901. As reported by the Hearonemus and Wells
families, the site was abandoned because rainy seasons caused the water
levels to rise too far and made the site inconvenient to enter or leave
(Clark 1967; Anonymous 1963; Jamieson 1953). This is in accordance with
Magrath's findings, which show some houses standing in several inches of
water, and with water levels known from later surveys. However, Magrath
passed through at a time when the site would normally have been
relatively empty (one might think of John Kerr's or Jean D'Artigue's
accounts). Perhaps, then, a small number of people resided there for an
indefinite time, possibly as late as 1882. It is also possible that
travellers may have used the empty houses for shelter. The lake itself,
as well as the ponds in which the houses stood, was frozen over, and
Magrath did not pause to do any investigations (Magrath 1930).
Apparently Tail Creek was never completely abandoned. The village
near the North West Mounted Police post seems to have been occupied at
least by Vital Couture or Coutu, who was delivering mail in the
mid-1870's, and still doing it in 1901. Lacombe mentioned the presence
of Catholic residents there in 1883, and a letter to him from Sam
Baptiste Dumont in 1896 reveals that a number of families returned to
Tail Creek in the later 1880's. Dumont reported that they were farming
there successfully (Dumont 1896). Several of the 1870's residents lived
at Tail Creek well into the twentieth century.
One site was assuredly occupied throughout. The Grande Pointe-
Spotted Lake area, which was rich in waterfowl, supported a trading post
operated by W. F. Bredin from 1883 to 1894 (Clark 1967). By the time
Bredin left, the present Mirror settlement had just been established.
From oral traditions, and existing families records, a certain part
of the Buffalo Lake society returned very near to the site, although the
site itself was not used for any major purpose for some decades. Several
Hobbema band individuals were still living along the north and east
shores of Buffalo Lake into the present century, and their houses were
sold or given in whole or in part to friendly settlers (Clark 1967 and
other local histories). Some of these are documented, and some of the
actual fabric is still in use.
It has been mentioned repeatedly that the eventual extinction of the
buffalo was an accepted fact of life in the North-West. Yet, the end,
whether regarded from a northern perspective or a southern one, was
remarkably abrupt. The failure of the buffalo in Spring, 1879,
astonished virtually everyone. Extinction was expected, but neither so
early nor so completely. The memorable statement ascribed to the
Indians, that it seemed a big hole had opened up and taken all the
buffalo into it at one swallow, was a universal sentiment.
In official reports, printed in the Sessional Papers, the Police,
the Indian Department, and the Interior Department placed great stress on
a series of fires, stated to be accidental, which sprang up
simultaneously along the International Boundary. The buffalo's migration
- 75 -
northwards into the more wooded and watered areas of the Cypress Hills
was therefore impossible, and so there were no buffalo to be had in
Canadian territory. There was a strong current of opinion in the
North-West Territories that the fires were deliberately set by the
American authorities to prevent further cross-border Indian travel.
Sitting Bull and his Sioux could not stay just outside American reach
without causing some resentment that retribution for Custer's disaster
was consequently impossible.
However, this set of circumstances is insufficient. There is not
one sudden extinction to be accounted for, but two. The evidence for
prairie fires does not explain the northern herd's equally abrupt demise.
Both at the time and later, many accusations were made involving
nearly every possible group or organization in the North-West. It might
be thought that there are some good reasons for blaming the fur trade,
whether one considers the trade in robes, or in provisions. In the
latter case, the old Hudson's Bay Company policy of local self-
sufficiency does not appear to have been viable by the time Buffalo Lake
was important. Until the 1879 Outfit year, however, meat provisions had
to be buffalo, the pemmican bags had to be of buffalo skins, and even in
1879, the requistions on the Upper Saskatchewan were not reduced.
However, the number of animals involved in the Hudson's Bay Company
trade in the Upper Saskatchewan can be determined with a fair degree of
accuracy, if the Saskatchewan District Returns and the Edmonton Post
Journals entries are compared (Table 5, following).
TABLE 5
HUDSONS'S BAY COMPANY TRADE IN THE UPPER SASKATCHEWAN DISTRICT
Date Outfit Year Apparent Number of
Buffalo in Trade
January
- May 31 , 1871
1870
55
June 1 ,
1871
- May 31 ,
1872
1871
1 ,378
June 1 ,
1872
- May 31 ,
1873
1872
2,277
June 1 ,
1873
- May 31 ,
1874
1873
1 ,330
June 1 ,
1874
- May 31 ,
1875
1874
5,725
June 1 ,
1875
- May 31 ,
1876
1875
3,960
June 1 ,
1876
- May 31 ,
1877
1876
870
June 1 ,
1877
- May 31 ,
1878
1877
640
- 7ft -
Date
Outfit Year
Apparent Number of
Dill l a IU III I i due
June 1 , 1878 - May 31 , 1879
1878
1,145 (est)
u i d I iu I utd I , ifaiiua i y , io/i
May 31 , 1879
17,380
It should be noted that the need to eat replaced any need to trade
until the 1877 crops were actually harvested, and that the numbers hunted
from 1876 to 1878 were much larger than the fur trade statistics would
indicate. In the 1878 outfit year, one might expect the same to be true
of the southern herd, due to the flight of Big Bear and several hundred
Sioux.
Therefore, although a theory of wastage is certainly not out of the
question, it is a long-run explanation. It would explain a steady
decline in the remaining buffalo, terminating about 1882 or 1883 rather
than 1879.
There are two short-run considerations, which may be more helpful in
explaining why the effective extinction of the buffalo herds took place
earlier than expected, and with astonishing abruptness. One is this
writer's own suggestion, and the other was advanced by Lestanc (1910).
The first, I suggest, is simply a contributing factor. The second still
appears to be the best available explanation.
In the course of this discussion, much was made of the demographic
effects of the 1870-1871 smallpox, and family sizes were discussed.
Although the recovery of the people was indeed remarkable, and no
appreciable demographic crisis can be discovered (so far as life and
death went) until the later 1880's, it took some time for the average
family size to be restored.
May it be reasonable to suggest that the reattainment of pre-1870
family sizes placed too much of a burden on the buffalo herds? Is it not
possible that the demonstrable beginnings of "white" immigration which
followed the signing of Treaties Six and Seven aggravated the problem?
Finally, one must consider the theory proposed by Lestanc. The best
authority on the buffalo as a species, Frank Gilbert Roe (1951), rejected
it as an overall explanation. However, it does appear to explain the
local circumstances. Lestanc's view, in brief, was that there had been
some manner of epidemic among the buffalo, which was noticeable by late
1878.
Lestanc (1910) observed that an ox had a serious nose inflammation,
and refused to eat or drink for several days. However, it recovered. It
would not be wise to make too much of this event, except that the sole
reason for Lestanc's including it in his account is that he may have
believed it was an early manifestation of the disease. It would have
been one of the rare chances when he could examine a living animal. At
any rate, it is possible that a mild disease among domestic cattle might
- 77 -
have lasted for some time, and then spread into the buffalo population
with much more devastating effects. Both Victoria Callihoo and Peter
Hodgson suggested that a form of blackleg was involved (Jamieson 1953).
The only conclusion available on present evidence is that this is a
plausible explanation, but only one possibility (Northern Department
Council 1868-1880).
On August 16, 1878, when at Sounding Lake, Lestanc (1910) noted that
at Battleford in May, one of the non-Christian chiefs had asked him to
bring medicines along on the hunt, adding (translated):
There is the sickness among the buffalo and some of our
people died from having eaten some diseased buffalo meat;
we are afraid to go to the prairies, seeing that we have no
medicine.
In 1879 and 1880, many of the remaining hunters crossed the border,
but were expelled with some success by the American Government in 1881.
The total relief which had to be supplied to the returning people through
the North West Mounted Police posts was, for the age, extremely high; the
Police accounts showed just under $7,000,000 spent on emergency food and
shelter.
The Police accounts and reports are specific enough as to the
origins and destinations of the people. Those who were Metis largely
came from Wood Mountain, Qu'Appelle, or St. Laurent. However, those who
returned to Alberta almost entirely comprised the Blackfoot Confederacy.
Therefore, it is not among the people of Buffalo Lake that one must look
for an accounting of animals killed by the hundreds of thousands.
This concludes the specific narrative of the Buffalo Lake Metis
site's history. There are some significant points which the historical
account suggests that lead to different suppositions about the site's
nature and character than those which appear in the archaeological
discoveries to date. These are outlined in the concluding chapter.
However, the very limited proportion of the site that has been excavated
may be the sole reason for the discrepancies.
Most fundamental to the differing interpretations, while an American
influence certainly existed, the Buffalo Lake site was set firmly in the
context of Upper Saskatchewan settlements. Parallels with the Lower
Saskatchewan, Cypress Hills, or Montana sites, then, require caution. At
the same time, climatic conditions, and the ongoing life at Buffalo Lake
that was not hi vernant in nature, suggests that the general standard of
construction would be higher. However, from the historical evidence
examined to date, no reason exists to suppose that artifacts not related
to this construction would be very different.
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CHAPTER IV
THE BUFFALO LAKE METIS SITE,
ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA, CABIN 3
During the 1974 mapping of the Buffalo Lake site (Figure 4), a
probable cabin and associated features were selected for further
investigation. Designated Cabin 3, this cluster of features was located
in the northeast corner of LSD 14, Section 11, Township 41, Range 20 west
of the Fourth Meridian. A mound and two depressions were closely
associated with each other and separated from the nearest observable
similar group of features by approximately 75 feet (22.9 m) . This
separation, combined with the area apparently occupied, suggested that a
single structure was involved (Figures 4, 9 a, 9 b).
One depression (designated Feature 2) was large in comparison with
the majority of depressions on the site. In addition, the mound
(designated Feature 1) was one of the larger mounds encountered. A round
pot-hole had been dug by unknown persons in the central portion of this
mound, revealing cobbles, burnt mud-plaster, and ash and indicating the
feature to be the remains of a fireplace.
Surficially, the area designated Cabin 3 (Figure 10) appeared
similar to the foundations of Cabins 1 and 2, the second of these located
approximately 247 feet (75.3 m) north and 345 feet (105.2 m) east. The
primary intent in excavating Cabin 3 was to indentify the associated
features as remains of a single building, to determine its dimensions and
details of construction, and to establish the essential contemporaneity
of this building with Cabins 1 and 2.
Furthermore, substantial data on Metis fireplace construction
techniques had been lacking, perhaps partly owing to recent disturbance,
in both Cabins 1 and 2. Despite the pot-hole, the mound in Cabin 3
appeared relatively well preserved.
The two depressions in Cabin 3 were thought to be storage (and
perhaps subsequently refuse) pits, and were scheduled for excavation.
Again, pits had apparently been lacking in Cabin 1, although an exterior
depression had been observed nearby. It was hoped to derive additional
data on what had been a prominent feature at other Metis settlements,
notably in the Cypress Hills Kajewski site (Elliott 1971:27, 29, 31-32;
Bonnichsen 1967:4-5; Bonnichsen, Horan, Doll, and Baldwin 1973:17). In
addition, the artifact yield from a refuse pit in Cabin 2 had been
relatively large. It was hoped that the Cabin 3 depressions would be
comparably rich in artifacts, and would enlarge the sample from the site
quantitatively and qualitatively.
Lithic artifacts, including a side-notched chipped stone projectile
point, had been found in association with "historic" materials in the
refuse pit of Cabin 2. The presence of such artifacts in the pits of
Cabin 3 would decrease the probability of their being accidental
intrusions and provide evidence for the persistence of an 8000 year-old
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lithic tool tradition at Buffalo Lake. This would give further weight to
the evidence presented elsewhere (Elliott 1971:50-51; Bonnichsen
1967:406; Bonnichsen, Horon, Doll, and Baldwin 1973:88) of a persisting
co-existence of lithic and "post-contact" industries among the Metis of
the Upper Saskatchewan.
A final reason for the selection of Cabin 3 for excavation was the
indication of some recent disturbance in the fireplace mound. As in the
case of Cabins 1 and 2, it was felt that efforts should be concentrated
on the more vulnerable features of the site, rather than on those in less
immediate danger.
EXCAVATIONS AT CABIN 3
Excavations in 1975 were initiated under Research Permit, Project
75-26, issued by Alberta Culture (now Alberta Culture and
Multicultural ism) through the Archaeological Survey of Alberta. In
addition, a letter of authorization was obtained from the Deputy Minister
of Renewable Resources, Alberta Energy and Natural Resources,
administrators of the Pubic Land Act. Also, letters had been previously
procured from holders of the grazing permit, A. J. and H. P. Rider, and
from the County of Stettler No. 6, holders of a recreation lease.
A total of thirty days were spent in the clearing, excavation,
mapping, and backfilling of Cabin 3. Work began on July 2, and was
terminated on September 12. Four persons were occupied in excavation for
twelve days, and three persons for an additional eighteen days.
Altogether, one hundred and two man-days were expended on the Metis site
in 1975 (including some travel time, and work stoppages owing to
inclement weather) .
A grid consisting of five-foot (1.52 metre) square units was
established, oriented to an arbitra ry north equal to 3 degrees east of
true north, and it was staked out on the site (Figure 10). Stakes were
designated according to distance and direction from an arbitrary point 0,
and squares were named according to the stake designation in their
northwest corner. This grid extended 45 feet (13.72 metres) north-south
and 15 feet, (4.57 metres) east-west. Orientation to the site as a whole
was through the map prepared in 1974, and approximately to the northeast
corner of LSD 14, Section 11, Township 41, Range 20 West of the 4th
Meridian, which was located ca. 387 feet (117.96 metres) north and 15
feet (4.57 metres) east of grid point 0. Key stakes (Figure 10) were
left in place, and the intent was to survey the grid accurately in
relation to Cabins 1 and 2 (where iron pipes had been set in concrete to
mark the grid), and to the quarter-section corner.
Although it may be somewhat confusing, it should be noted that all
references to the Cabin 3 grid are to arbitrary north (to all practical
purposes, true north), those references to features within the cabin are
to magnetic north (the apparent orientation of the builders), and those
references to the site as whole to true north.
Excavation was generally with trowel and dustpan, and most of the
fill was put through a one-quarter inch mesh screen, with finer mesh used
in some cases to secure beads, small fauna! remains, and seeds. Fill was
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removed by strata of deposition, for example in the fireplace and the
depressions, although in many other areas the shallowness of deposit made
discrimination of strata or arbitrary levels unnecessary. Artifacts were
recorded by unit, stratum, and feature, with some specimens measured in
three-dimensional ly. Plans and photographs were made of all features.
Level bags were brought to the Museum laboratory following excavations
for preparation and cataloguing of specimens. The latter, along with
field notes and other records, are stored at the Provincial Museum of
Alberta. Following the completion of excavation, the areas were lined
with polyethylene plastic sheets and backfilled.
During 1976, excavations continued in the Depression, Feature 2, of
Cabin 3 under Research Permit, Project 76-15. This excavation proceeded
in 0.5 foot (0.15 metres) thick arbitrary levels, following the original
outline of the depression horizontally. All artifactual and faunal
material recovered in situ or in the screen was bagged according to
level. Earth that was particularly rich in small artifacts and bone was
bagged by level in the field and returned to the Museum laboratory for
finer processing.
THE FEATURES OF CABIN 3
The Wall Lines
Cabin 3 appeared to be a log structure, approximately 24 feet (7.32
metres) long magnetic north-south and 15 feet (4.57 metres) wide magnetic
east-west (Figure 10; all subsequent directions are ca. magnetic unless
otherwise indicated). As far as could be determined, the cabin had no
permanent interior partition and no wooden floor. Preservation of wood
(probably poplar or aspen) was extremely poor, as in Cabins 1 and 2, and
no complete logs or other intact structural members were found. Some
fragmentary evidence was discovered, however.
By far the best preserved wood fragments were in the west wall of
the cabin. Probably this relatively good preservation was owing to the
existence of clay overlying the sill log. This ridge of clay may have
been derived through washing off or collapse of the chinking between wall
logs, or on the roof of the cabin, or it may have resulted from banking
the base of the wall as insulation against the cold.
The south wall and southeast corner of the structure were
represented by a few tiny rotted chips and a definite log outline of
brown rotted wood dust. Much the same situation prevailed in the
northwest corner and along the north wall, although the wood in this
latter case was slightly better preserved. The east wall of the cabin
was represented only by a scattering of charcoal, which may have resulted
from the remains of superstructure being burned.
In spite of the existence of this charcoal, the major portion of the
cabin did not appear to have been destroyed by fire, but rather by
natural processes of decomposition in the damp woods. Fires were
reported in the Buffalo Lake area around the turn of the century, for
example in the spring of 1903 (Emma Trayer in Clark 1967:322), but it is
uncertain what part they might have played in the disappearance of cabin
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superstructures, all of which were apparently gone by 1902 (Clark
1967:35-36). The only evidence to suggest that at least part of Cabin 3
may have been burnt, then, was the remnant of west wall, and some charred
fragments of boards or logs overlying Features 2 and 3. Charcoal pieces
were also thinly scattered throughout the grey sandy fill within the
cabin outline, but there was no evidence for fired mud plaster. Most of
the mud chinking may have fallen or washed off the building prior to any
burning of the structure itself.
Feature 1, The Fireplace.
Excavation of the mound in Cabin 3 revealed the remains of a stone
fireplace approximately 7.0 feet (2.13 metres) wide north-south by 4.0
feet (1.22 metres) deep east-west (Figures 10, 11-14). This fireplace
was located at approximately the middle of the cabin, and abutting on the
interior of the west wall. The materials used consisted of granitic and
quartzite cobbles, cemented in position by clay apparently obtained from
local till deposits. Possibly one or both of the internal depressions,
Features 2 and 3, were used as borrow pits for the clay employed in this
construction.
A pot-hole approximately 2.0 feet (.61 metres) by 2.5 feet (.76
metres) had been dug in the middle of the fireplace by unknown
individuals. However, the major part of the feature remained intact, and
the firebox, bits of burned bone, charcoal, and a concentration of wood
ash were encountered. As this ash concentration was exposed, an
associated clay apron was discovered, extending about 2.5 feet (.76
metres) in front of the firebox (Figure 12 a). After it was photographed
and mapped the ash was carefully removed and bagged for laboratory
analysis. At this point, a shallow basin of reddened clay was revealed
within the firebox (Figures 12 b, 13 a, b), and again this level was
photographed and mapped. These steps were repeated three times, exposing
three distinct and vertically separated firebox floors (Figure 14 a, b),
and, contiguous with the upper two, superimposed aprons. The evidence
shows that the feature was renewed at least three times and suggests that
Cabin 3 was abandoned at least three times, twice on a temporary basis
and the third time permanently.
Temporary abandonment of the cabin might have corresponded to the
time of the Metis spring hunt (see Chapter II), planting, or merely to a
time of warmer weather when the inhabitants moved out of doors or
utilized outdoor fires for cooking. The layers of burnt clay separating
the firebox floors perhaps resulted, then, from weathering of mud plaster
off the fireplace or chimney during the spring or summer rains. They
might also have been the result of purposeful re-plastering and re-lining
of the fireplace in the autumn, along with a re-chinking of the walls, to
weatherproof the cabin for the winter.
The first firebox, floor 3, was set directly on the humus (Figure 14
b), with no apparently associated clay apron. Both subsequent levels,
however, were associated with clay aprons. The evidence suggests that
Cabin 3 may have been occupied for three winters and then abandoned.
Possibly it was built in the fall of 1875 and abandoned in the spring of
1878, as this time would correspond both with the years of most intense
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occupation and with the year of final abandonment (see Figure 15).
Feature 1 yielded 47 artifacts or 1.27% of the total recovery from
Cabin 3, notably pottery, glass, and a few nails.
Feature 2, Large Refuse Pit.
Feature 2 was the larger of two depressions in this locality
(Figures 10, 16). Situated to the southeast of the fireplace, it was
approximately 6.3 feet (1.92 m) north-south by 8.3 feet (2.53 m)
east-west by 4.5 feet (1.37 m) deep.
Located entirely within the wall lines of the cabin, Feature 2 may
initially have served as a borrow pit for clay used in the construction
of the fireplace (Feature 1). Subsequently, it might have been used as
an interior storage pit or cellar, although no evidence was found of
cribbing or other lining. Ultimately, it seems to have been used for the
disposal of trash. Although there was no evidence of a wood floor in the
cabin proper, there was an indication of burned boards immediately
overlying this depression. Subsequently, these remains had been covered
by slumped soil and leaf litter. Boards may in fact have been used to
cover the depression when the cabin was occupied. Alternati vly, the
fragments observed could merely have fallen from roof or walls after the
cabin was abandoned.
The excavations established the dimensions and depth of Feature 2
and also confirmed the hypothesis that some pits might be notably rich in
artifacts. A total of 12,047 specimens was recovered from the fill of
this depression. This constitutes 90.04% of the assemblage from Cabin
3. Although a large variety of artifact types was represented, nails,
pottery, and glass, and especially small glass beads, were predominant.
Finally, the hypothesis regarding the association of lithic and "modern"
industries was given further credibility through the discovery in the
feature of two side-notched projectile points and a quantity of other
chipped stone material.
Feature 3, Small Refuse Pit.
Feature 3 constituted the smaller pit within the wall lines of Cabin
3 (Figures 10, 17 a, b) . Its dimensions were 4.0 feet (1.22 m)
north-south by 5.0 feet (1.52 m) east-west by 2 to 2.5 feet (60.96 to
76.20 cm) deep. With the exception of a small portion near stake 30N,
10E, Feature 3 was completely excavated in two horizontal operations.
First the section located within square 35N, 5E was excavated and scale
plans and profiles prepared. Then the remainder of the fill (with the
exception noted above) was removed.
Again no evidence of cribbing or lining was observed. As in Feature
2, however, a small amount of burnt wood was found to be overlying the
depression. Subsequently, this wood had itself been covered with slumped
material consisting of a thick layer of yellow clay, in all likelihood
washed in from the walls and roof after the abandonment of the cabin.
Like Feature 2, Feature 3 may have initially been used as a borrow
pit for clay, subsequently as a storage pit, and finally as a repository
for refuse. A total of 299 artifacts was recovered from the feature,
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comprising 8.09% of the total assemblage. Particularly noteworthy among
these were lead shot, pottery, and beads. An 1857 U.S. half-dime
contributed a datum to the chronological interpretation of the site,
indicating that it could not have been entirely abandoned prior to 1857.
THE ARTIFACTS OF CABIN 3
Method of Analysis
Analysis of the Buffalo Lake collections as a whole began with the
allocation of recovered artifacts to general functional classes related,
for example, to "Hunting" or "Blacksmi thing, Construction, and Crafts."
Although it was realized that function is sometimes in doubt, and that
categories would overlap, it was felt that this approach maintained some
consistency in the order of description and facilitated comparisons. The
classes have been ordered to begin with those traits most nearly related
to basic subsistence and proceed to the least basic traits, relating to
recreation and ornamentation. This sort of organization may also
facilitate highly qualified hypotheses about the relative importance of
various occupations or activities at the site (South 1977a; 1977b).
Descriptions are fairly full, but vary somewhat by author and
according to the familiarity of objects represented and the presumed
significance of metric and other data. Photographs are intended to be
used in conjunction with the descriptions. Measurements are in the
metric system, although it is realized that many of the artifacts were
presumably manufactured according to measurements in the English system.
The scale in the photographs, however, is in both systems. All
measurements are maximum unless otherwise indicated. Some individual
artifact measurements are available in the tables, and all unpublished
data is on file at the Provincial Museum of Alberta.
A total of 12,415 artifacts was recovered from Cabin 3 of the
Buffalo Lake Metis Site. Feature 1 yielded 47 artifacts, 0.38% of the
sample. Feature 2 yielded 12,047 artifacts, 97.04% of the sample.
Feature 3 yielded 299 artifacts, 2.41% of the sample, and 22 additional
artifacts, 0.18% of the sample, were recovered from the general interior
of the cabin and not directly associated with any of the three features.
HUNTING
This category is well represented in the sample from Cabin 3.
Gun Parts
Brass Ramrod Ferrule (Figure 18 a). A brass ferrule from the
proximal end of a shotgun ramrod was recovered from Feature 2. the
ferrule is made from thin brass and is cracked in several places. The
interior contains a portion of the wooden ramrod, 29.23 mm long and 10.39
mm in diameter. The ferrule itself is 23.30 mm in length, 10.39 mm in
diameter, and .92 mm in thickness. The ramrod would originally have
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measured 12 mm or more in diameter, but the preserved portion has shrunk
considerably.
Ignition Parts and Ammunition
Gunf 1 int (Figure 18 b). A single dark brown gunflint with flat
flake scars was recovered from Feature 2. Although burned and broken, it
measures 29.50 mm by 26.16 mm by 8.58 mm.
A flake of light brown taffy-colored flint was also found in the
northwest interior portion of the cabin, associated with the dirt floor
between Features 1 and 3. The flake measures 9.1 mm by 8.3 mm by 1.9 mm.
Woodward (1982:14) suggests that in general 11 . . . French flints
were of honey or taffy colored types, with rounded heels, thinner and
flatter than those of English Manufacture." Based solely upon color
characteristics, the first Buffalo Lake example may be of English origin,
while the second may be of French origin. Because neither example is
whole, other characteristics for identification were not used.
At the time the Metis site was occupied, gunflints were still a very
important item in the fur trader's inventory (Hardisty Papers, Items 423
(1874), 608 and 612 (1875), 928 (1876). At Buffalo Lake, they were no
doubt used for lighting fires as well as in guns, as the English Brandon
flints were also made for strike-a-1 ights (Woodward 1982:144).
Alternately, however, matches were available from the Hudson's Bay
Company in 1874 (Hardisty Papers, Item 709).
Percussion Caps (Figure 18 c). Four copper percussion caps were
recovered from Feature 2. All examples have been fired; three are
complete and one is fragmentary. All are of the same type, averaging
5.70 mm in length and 5.54 mm in diameter.
The Buffalo Lake examples correspond in size to number 11 Eley
Brothers percussion caps in the reference collection of the Provincial
Museum of Alberta. There are several records of percussion caps and
percussion cap guns, both single and double barrel, as a major item of
trade at Buffalo Lake and in the general Upper Saskatchewan District
(Hardisty Papers, Items 605 and 608 (1875). In addition, there were
numerous makes of rifles and revolvers, as well as single and double
barrel guns, of both British and American manufacture that used this type
of cap.
The percussion cap had long been in use by the time the Buffalo Lake
site was occupied. Its history began on July 4, 1807, when Reverend
Alexander Forsyth patented a detonating compound based on the use of
potassium chlorite as a replacement for the flintlock ignition system
(Burrard 1950:2, 61). The copper percussion cap appears on the patent
records in 1823, although it had been invented by various persons to whom
the same idea occurred between 1814 and 1816 (Pollard 1926:114). It was
in general use by 1825. At Buffalo Lake, it did not entirely replace the
flintlock ignition system, which appears to have been used more by the
Indian buffalo hunters than by the Metis. This may reflect the fact that
the latter group had easier access to sources of supply than the former.
- 86 -
Round Ball (Figure 18 d). Four lead balls were recovered, three
from Feature 2 and one from the general cabin interior. Two are .58
calibre, one .53 calibre, while the fourth has been flattened and the
calibre cannot be determined.
In his correspondence of December 1, 1874, to Richard Hardisty,
Chief Factor at Fort Edmonton, Francis Whitford, the Hudson's Bay Company
clerk at Buffalo Lake and Tail Creek, requested that a bag of lead balls
be sent to him to supply the trade (Hardisty Papers, Item 422).
Lead Shot (Figure 18 e) . A total of 56 lead shot were recovered.
Sizes range from BB to No. 4, with 75% falling between shot size No. 1
and No. 2 (Greener 1910:612-614; Logan 1959:171).
Shot size is calculated by the number required to weigh an ounce.
For example, No. 6 shot, at 270 pellets per ounce, would be made up of
shot with sizes that lie between 255 and 285 to the ounce, the figure 270
being the mean (Burrard 1950 11:114).
Shot was sold in bags by the ounce. For example, in the outfit of
1874, the Hudson's Bay Company Post at Jasper's House lists shot at four
cents per ounce (Hardisty Papers, Item 709). Francis Whitford requested,
on December 16, 1874, and again on September 12, 1875, that a bag of shot
be sent from Fort Edmonton for trade at Buffalo Lake and Tail Creek
(Hardisty Papers, Items 423, 610).
Rimfire Cartridge Cases (Figure 18 f). From Feature 2, two copper
rimfire cartridge cases were recovered. Both have a raised "H"
headstrap, indicative of an early manufacture of the Henry Cartridge
Company. Although both cases exhibit the typical double firing-pin
marks, these marks are sufficently different from each other to indicate
the cartridges were fired from two different firearms. In addition, one
has a more bulged head, which suggests the firearm that discharged it had
greater headspace.
The cartridge cases are 23.70 mm long and 13.07 mm wide overall,
with width below the headstrap of 11.48 mm. These measurements indicate
that they are .44 caliber Henry flat cartridges. This early form of
fixed ammunition uses a flat-top cylindrical lead bullet, 200 grains in
weight and propelled by 26 grains of black powder (Logan 1959:61; West
1969:1-5).
This type of ammunition was used in two makes of firearm: the Henry
Rifle, made by the New Haven Arms Company from 1860 to 1866 (Figure 19
a), and the Winchester model 1866, made by the Winchester Repeating Arms
Company between 1866 and 1898. While approximately 10,000 of the former
were manufactured, nearly 100,000 of the latter were made (West 1969:1-5
to 1-9; Logan 1959:68).
Centrefire Cartridge Case (Figure 18 g). One externally primed
brass centrefire cartridge case was excavated from Feature 3. Although
partially cut off in length, and exhibiting a crushed mouth, it is still
identifiable as a .44-40 calibre Winchester centrefire cartridge. The
original case was coupled with a 200 grain flat-nosed conical lead
bullet, propelled by 40 grains of black powder. This cartridge could be
used interchangeably between the model 1873 Winchester rifle and the Colt
- 87 -
Single Action revolver, also known as the Frontier Six Shooter (Logan
1939:137).
Centrefire Shot Shells (Figure 18 h). Two brass shot shell heads
were recovered from Feature 2. They bear the headstamp of Eley Brothers
of London and are of 16 gauge (18.97 mm in diameter). They originally
would have had paper or cardboard tubes attached to the brass bases. The
tubes, however, decomposed prior to recovery.
Although machine-made shot shells with paper rather than metal tubes
were manufactured as early as 1873, they did not make their appearance in
America until the 1880's (Sharpe 1938:276). Similarly marked shot shell
bases were recovered from Fort Walsh, the occupation of which (1875-1883)
overlaps that at Buffalo Lake (Sciscenti et al. 1976:xvi).
Peter Erasmus (1976) mentioned the use of a double-barrel
breech-loading shotgun obtained from the Hudson's Bay Company, but he
made no mention of the type or brand of ammunition used. Similarly, no
records of paper shot shells in the inventory are found in the
correspondence of Hudson's Bay Company employees at Buffalo Lake, Tail
Creek, Spitsea Post, or Fort Edmonton.
This evidence leads to three possible alternative conclusions:
(1) Paper shot shells became available in the Upper
Saskatchewan sooner than the time suggested for America by
Sharpe (1938).
(2) The shell bases from Cabin 3 are intrusive. Communication
with the present-day residents confirmed that the area has
been heavily used by bird hunters since the turn of the
century. In particular, the depressions left by the Metis
may subsequently have served as goose pits for hunting
waterfowl .
(3) Cabin 3 was re-occupied in the 1880*s, subsequent to the
documented abandonment in the spring of 1878.
Cutting or Piercing Weapons or Tools
Iron Projectile Point (Figure 19 b). A badly oxidized iron
projectile point was recovered from Feature 2. It is of a style typical
of those that were manufactured from scrap metal for trade at the various
fur trade posts on the Upper Saskatchewan as early as the 1790's.
Generally, they were made by the post blacksmith from iron, copper, or
brass. (For examples see Nicks 1969; Kidd 1970; Steer et al. 1979; Losey
1978, Losey et al. 1978; Forsman 1985).
Knife Blade Tip (Figure 19 c). A thin skinning knife blade tip,
measuring 52.07 mm long by 37.02 mm wide and tapering from 2.10 mm to
1.38 mm in thickness, was recovered from Feature 2.
Common skinning knives were a standard item of trade stocked by the
Hudson's Bay Company outpost at Buffalo Lake and the storage and staging
post at Tail Creek for the trade farther south at Bow River and Spitsea
Post (Hardisty Papers, Items 604, 609).
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Modified Knife-Blade Fragment (Figure 19 d). The modified section
of a skinning knife blade was recovered from Feature 2. It has been
snapped off at one end and cut with a cold chisel at the other. The
blunt back of the blade remains unmodified; however, the sharpened edge
has been modified into a single bevel approximately 2.0 mm deep, forming
a plane-like implement. The resulting blade could have been hafted to a
handle and used as a scraping tool for hide preparation or wood working.
The resulting blade is 30.79 mm by 30.06 mm, and tapers in thickness from
2.14 mm to 0.45 mm.
Discussion
Hunting and the products of the hunt were the main reason for the
occupation of Cabin 3. The artifacts recovered are generally those used
in the procurement and subsequent processing of bison. In addition, the
presence of lead shot and, if temporally associated, the shot shell
bases, are indicative of the hunting of waterfowl as a dietary supplement
not directly associated with the commercial hunting venture. It should
also be noted that muzzle-loading guns (i.e. smooth-bored barrels) could
be loaded with round ball and also used in bringing down bison. In
addition, the shotgun had a long-standing reputation as a close-range
personal defense weapon, the advantage of which was probably appreciated
by the people of Buffalo Lake.
There is evidence for several different types, calibres, and makes
of firearms in the artifact sample from Cabin 3. Four different types of
ignition systems were used: flintlock, percussion lock in muzzle loaders,
and rimfire and centrefire fixed ammunition in magazine repeating rifles,
revolvers (perhaps), and breech-loading shotguns. With respect to the
.44 Henry Flat cartridge case, it has been stated that these could have
been fired from either the Henry Rifle or the model 1866 Winchester.
Although both of these firearms produced the same firing-pin marks, and
theoretically both would have been available at the time the Buffalo Lake
Metis Site was occupied, historical documents suggest that the Henry
repeating rifle (Figure 19 a) was more than likely in use in this area.
On the 15th of December, 1875, William Leslie Wood, trading partner
at the Hudson's Bay Company Spitsea Post, wrote to Richard Hardisty at
Fort Edmonton requesting, among other things, 48 Henry Rifles in cases of
a dozen each to sell at 12 to 14 robes. With robes bringing between
$5.00 and $7.50 apiece, the Henry Rifles would be selling for between
$60.00 and $105.00, a considerable sum of money at that time, and at
today's standards between $1,800.00 and $3,150.00. Wood also ordered
4,000 rounds of ammunition to sell at one robe per 100, or between five
and seven and one half cents per round (Hardisty Papers, Item 605).
John Bunn, trading partner at Bow River Post, also lists "Henri"
(sic.) rifles as part of his inventory (Hardisty Papers, Item 604).
Percussion guns were still more common in general use at this time,
as may be ascertained from an order in the same correspondence for 15,000
guncaps to sell at one robe for 250, or between two cents and three cents
apiece (Hardisty Papers, Item 605).
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At Buffalo Lake, on November 2, 1874, Francis Whitford requested two
types of cartridges for the trade: "Large kind and some small," referring
to Spencer .50 calibre rimfire cartridges as well as the small Henry .44
calibre rimfire cartridges (Hardisty Papers, Item 421).
In another letter, dated October 29, 1875, he requested "cartridges
Spencer and Henry" (Hardisty Papers, Item 611).
From Tail Creek, in a letter dated November 6, 1875, Whitford also
requested "a fourteen shooter" for one of his men (Hardisty Papers, Item
613).
Records of the North West Mounted Police also tend to support the
dominance at this time of the Henry over the Winchester. On Tuesday,
September 29, 1874, Commissioner French noted in his diary the meeting of
a party of Assiniboines on Milk River, two of whom were armed with Henry
Rifles. The police were armed with the much inferior single-shot Snyder
Enfield carbines and Adams revolvers (Commissioners 1973:50; Phillips and
Klancher 1982:5; Steele 1876).
In addition, in the seizure of property from whiskey traders at a
post in Pine Coulee south of Fort MacLeod on October 30, 1874, James F.
MacLeod reported among other things "5 Henry rifles" (Commissioners
1973:59-60).
Although much of this evidence is circumstantial, it should also be
noted that no references were found relating to the use of Winchester
rifles at this time, although the difference between the Henry and the
Winchester was well known.
CONSTRUCTION, BLACKSMITHING. AND CRAFTS
Artifacts in this category were generally not as well represented in
Cabin 3 as relative quantities in Cabins 1 and 2. Similarly, the
distribution of the most numerous artifact type, nails, was practically
restricted to Features 1 and 2, the fireplace and the larger of the two
interior depressions. A more detailed typological discussion of nails
occurs in the description of Cabin 1 in Chapter V.
Triangular File
A virtually complete but badly oxidized small triangular file
(Figure 20 a) was recovered from Feature 2. The file is 153.20 mm in
length, including the tang, while each face averages 9.99 mm in width.
Forged Iron Nails
Rose-Head Forged Nail Fragment (Figure 20 b). Rose-head nails are
characterized by a crown high in the centre, formed generally by four
blows of the heading hammer. An incomplete rose-head forged nail was
recovered from Feature 2. It measures 46.89 mm by 5.52 mm by 4.61 mm.
Gable-Head Forged Nail Fragment (Figure 20 c). Gable-head nails are
characterized by a crown high in the centre and two distinct facets,
formed by two blows of the heading hammer. A single bent, gable-head
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forged nail fragment was recovered from Feature 2. It measures 62.49 mm
by 5.49 mm by 3.81 mm.
Machine Cut Iron Nails
Gable-Head Cut Nail Fragment (Figure 20 d). One gable-head cut nail
fragment was found. It measures 25.82 mm in length, 3.18 mm in width,
and was cut from a plate 2.87 mm in thickness. It was excavated from
Feature 2.
Flat-Head Cut Nails (Figure 20 e-j). The majority of the recovered
nails fall within this category. Following the format established for
classifying nails from Cabins 1 and 2 (Chapter V), these nails were
further subdivided into three groups:
Group 1 (Figure 20 e, f). Seven virtually complete and five
fragmentary examples were placed in this category (Table 6, Appendix
III). Two examples were associated with Feature 1, 11 with Feature 2,
and one with Feature 3.
Group 2 (Figure 20 g, h). A total 19 complete and 20 fragmentary
examples were placed in this category (Table 7, Appendix III). Feature 2
again yielded the largest number of group 2 nails, with 33 being
recorded. Feature 1 had five nails, while a single nail was recovered
from the cabin interior in the central portion adjacent to the east
wall. No nails in this category were recovered from Feature 3.
Group 3 (Figure 20 i, j). All group 3 nails were recovered from
Feature 2. Of the 16 nails found, four were complete and 12 fragmentary
(Table 8, Appendix III).
Cut Nail Shank Fragments (Figure 20 k). A total of 17 iron cut nail
shanks were recovered in excavation. Three were associated with Feature
1, 11 with Feature 2, and three with Feature 3 (Table 9, Appendix III).
Wire Nail
A single wire nail (Figure 20 1) was recovered from the second ash
level of the fireplace in Cabin 3. It measures 57.04 mm in length and is
3.44 mm in diameter. It appears to have been attached to a piece of wood
that was used for fuel .
Miscellaneous Hardware
Iron Wood Screws (Figure 20 m) . Two slotted iron wood screws were
recovered in the excavation of Feature 2. One is 16.18 mm in length and
4.36 mm in diameter; the other is 22.71 mm in length and 6.22 mm in
diameter.
Copper Rivet (Figure 20 n). A single copper rivet was recovered
from the bottom of Feature 2. The head is intact, but the rivet face has
been sheared off by a cold chisel. The rivet is 20.97 mm in length, with
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a shank diameter of 5.54 mm. The diameter of the head is 12.68 mm.
Although their exact function at this site has not been determined,
rivets of this size were commonly employed to secure canvas to wood.
Photo documentary sources of the period commonly record canvas coverings
on the ubiquitous two-wheeled Red River cart, with the canvas secured to
the first supporting rib (by rivets?) and apparently secured by rope over
the subsequent ribs.
Iron Pintle or Hook Fragment (Figure 20 o) . An iron pintle or hook
fragment was recovered in two pieces, the first section from Feature 1,
the second from Feature 2. Subsequent to their recovery, it was found
that both were part of the same object, which may have originally
functioned as a pintle or as a portion of fireplace hardware. The object
was oval in cross section, ranging from 8.85 mm to 7.83 mm in diameter.
Iron Sheet Staple (Figure 20 p) . A single burned thin iron sheet
staple was recovered from Feature 1. It is 30.55 mm in length, 4.61 mm
in maximum width, and .43 mm in thickness. This staple may have been
attached to a packing crate that was burned as fuel in the fireplace.
Discussion
The paucity of building hardware recovered from Cabin 3 is perhaps a
reflection of the simplicity of its construction or evidence for the
practice of stripping metal nails and hardware that could be re-used
elsewhere. The majority of metal artifacts were nails, with most of
these recovered from the large refuse pit, Feature 2. Excavation of this
feature yielded the badly decomposed remains of boards, interpreted as a
cover structure. Most of the nails were associated with the rotted wood.
Since Feature 2 was a large and deep depression, and no doubt
somewhat odorous at the time of use, it would have been practical to
cover it to prevent cabin occupants from accidentally falling in.
Almost no nails were found associated with the general interior of
the cabin or along its wall. This suggests that the nails recovered were
an integral part of the cellar cover and not part of a collapsed roof,
wall, or general floor structure. Indeed, other than the proposed cover,
there is no evidence for a wooden floor. If planks were used for general
flooring, they were not preserved, and they were not apparently attached
to joists by means of nails. It is also possible that flooring could
have been removed to be used elsewhere, or used as firewood after the
general abandonment of the site and partial re-occupation in the early
1880's.
The nails associated with the fireplace (Feature 1) were mostly
recovered from the ash in the firebox. Thus one can conclude that the
nails were attached to wood or other combustible material used as fuel.
The balance of the tools and hardware are not particularly
diagnostic with respect to cabin architecture. The file is a tool which
could have been used for a variety of general metal-working and perhaps
wood and bone-working tasks. More than likely, its presence in the
refuse pit was as the result of loss.
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The presence of a rivet, perhaps more appropriately placed in the
transportation category, may indicate an activity of winter evening
repair to a cart cover.
HOUSEHOLD, BUSINESS. AND PERSONAL MAINTENANCE
Earthenware
Plain White Glazed Earthenware
Vessel 1, Possible Bowl (Figure 21 a). Vessel 1 is a plain
white-glazed possible bowl, represented by three sherds, one of which is
a rim sherd. The diameter of the vessel is approximately 153.39 mm, with
sherd thickness varying between 4.55 mm and 5.52 mm.
Vessel 2, Cup or Small Bowl (Figure 21 b). This vessel is
represented by a section of foot-ring approximately 50.71 mm in diameter.
Vessel 3, Dinner Plate (Figure 21 c). This dinner plate is
represented by 15 sherds. On the bottom of the partially reconstructed
vessel is part of the maker's stamp "FURNIV ..." and "PG." The plate
was probably manufactured by Thomas Furnival and Company, 1844-46, or
Thomas Furnival and Sons, 1871-90, both companies located in
Staffordshire, England (Sussman 1972:130).
The foot diameter of Vessel 3 is approximately 81.23 mm; the outside
diameter cannot be calculated.
Vessel 4, Bowl (Figure 21 d). This vessel is represented by six
sherds. The rim has a diameter of approximately 107.83 mm.
Vessel 5, Dinner Plate (Figure 21 e). This vessel is represented by
31 sherds, most of which have been re-fitted in reconstruction. The
plate is plain, but the bottom has two stamped impressions under glaze.
The first is a raised cross within an irregular rectangle; the second,
much less distinct stamp appears to be a raised letter T or perhaps E in
a more regular-shaped rectangle. This latter stamp, however, is not
complete. The sherd bearing the rest of the impression was not recovered
in excavation.
The diameter of the plate is approximately 223.80 mm.
Creamware
Vessel 6, Cup (Figure 21 f). This vessel is represented by two
sherds, which, together, form part of the handle of a cup. This handle
is undecorated and is 34.01 mm in length, 8.88 mm in width, and 5.87 mm
in thickness. The paste is similar in color and texture to Vessel 2.
The glaze is of a more yellow tint.
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Monochrome Underglaze Transfer-Printed Ware
Vessel 7, Cup (Figure 22 a). This vessel is represented by seven
burned sherds and one unburned sherd with a hardness of between four and
five on Moh's scale. It has a combination of two design numbers: 63,
which is stylized flowers with a background of small spirals, and 64,
which consists of a conical flower pot with two flowers (Sussman
1972:416-417). Both designs are found on the interior as well as the
exterior of the vessel. The designs form part of a pattern described as
"Pagoda," manufactured by Copeland of Staffordshire, ca. 1838 to post
1872 (Sussman 1979a:155).
In addition, Design 30, consisting of a sprig of sweet pea, is found
on the exterior and interior surfaces (Sussman 1972:58, Figure 31).
The cup has been modified by means of a hole drilled half way from
the interior and halfway from the exterior, so that in section it is 1.80
mm in diameter on the outside of the vessel, contracting to 1.46 mm at
the centre, and expanding to 1.80 mm again on the inside.
Quite often, the writer has observed antique transfer-printed ware
perforated in this way in several places and joined by soft wire to
effect a repair. In other cases, wire was threaded through the holes to
suspend the vessel from a hook on the wall as a means of display. The
diameter of Vessel 7 is approximately 101.60 mm, with a rim thickness of
3.00 mm. The color of the transfer print is 7.5PB 3/4 in the Munsell
scale (Anonymous 1966; all further color references are to this source).
Vessel 8, Possible Cup or Bowl (Figure 22 b). This vessel is
represented by two sherds. The decoration consists of an oak-leaf design
on the interior of the rim and a leaf of unknown type on the exterior.
The design is slightly smudged on the interior and extensively flowed on
both sides. There is not enough of the vessel remaining to determine the
diameter. The rim thickness is 2.96 mm, and sherd body thickness 3.40 mm.
The design on Vessel 8 is the same as the border for the pattern
called "Ruins" and "Melrose," registered September 15, 1848, and
manufactured by W. T. Copeland from 1840 until the twentieth century
(Sussman 1 979a : 1 68) . Hardness of the paste is between 4 and 5, and the
color of the transfer-printed design is 7.5PB 2/8.
Vessel 9, Shallow Bowl or Saucer (Figure 22 c). This vessel is
represented by 16 sherds with the same pattern and decoration as Vessel
7. The design, however, is found on the interior only, as would be
typical of a saucer. The diameter of the vessel is 152.48 mm, the height
is 36.00 mm, and sherd thickness varies from 3.00 mm to 5.24 mm. The
color is 7.5PB 2/8 and is extensively flowed.
Vessel 10, Possible Cup or Bowl (Figure 22 d). This vessel is
represented by two small curved body sherds, possibly from a cup or small
bowl. The design appears to be small flowers and leaves that occur on
the exterior of the vessel only. The name of the pattern and the
manufacturer have not been determined. The color of the print is 5R 2/6.
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Vessel 11 , Bowl (Figure 22 e) . This vessel has been partially
reconstructed from 20 sherds. The bowl has a diameter of 127.08 mm, with
sherd thickness varying from 4.00 mm to 6.00 mm.
The decoration on the bowl consists of three design elements
according to Sussman's description (1972). The first, design 29, is a
geometric zig-zag border on both the interior and exterior, approximately
14 mm wide. The second, design 30, is a 22 mm by 30 mm sprig of sweet
pea, spaced approximately 45 mm from the main border on both interior and
exterior of the bowl. The third, design 154, is a scroll incorporated as
part of the zig-zag geometric border. Sussman (1972) refers to this
pattern by the number B 772 rather than by name. This numbered pattern
was manufactured by Copeland ca. 1839 to post 1882 (Sussman
1979a:65-66) . The color of the print is 7.5PB 2/6.
Vessel 12, Shallow Bowl or Saucer (Figure 22 f). This vessel is
represented by 21 sherds. The decoration is found on the interior only,
and consists of the same three elements as those found on Vessel 11: a
geometric zig-zag border, a sprig of sweet pea, and a scroll. Together
they form pattern number B 772 (Sussman 1979a:65-66) .
The vessel is 152.48 mm in diameter and 34.50 mm high. The color of
the print is 7.5PB 2/10.
Vessel 13, Cup or Small Bowl (Figure 22 g). This vessel is
represented by five sherds exhibiting the same design elements and
pattern as Vessels 11 and 12. However, the design elements are found on
both interior and exterior of Vessel 13. The projected diameter of the
vessel is approximately 127.08 mm, with a thickness varying between 2.40
mm and 3.40 mm. The height cannot be determined. The color of the print
is 7.5PB 3/10.
Vessel 14, Small Bowl (Figure 23 a). A total of seven sherds
recovered in the excavation of Cabin 3 belong to this vessel. Four
separate designs are incorporated in this vessel to form the pattern
called "Ivy," registered in 1845 and manufactured to post-1865 by W. T.
Copeland (Sussman 1 979a : 1 35-1 36) . The elements consist of design 45
(Sussman 1972:411), ivy leaves found around the exterior of the bowl;
design 46 (Sussman 1972:411), a beaded border on both interior and
exterior rim; design 48 (Sussman 1972:411), vine and leaf with ragged
edges found on the bottom interior; and design 49 (Sussman 1972:413),
acorn and oak leaf band on the interior below design 46.
The diameter of the bowl at the rim is 101.60 mm, while the diameter
of the foot-ring is approximately 50 mm. The bowl stands 77.70 mm high,
and its thickness ranges from 3.50 mm at the rim to 7.00 mm at the base.
The color of the pattern is 7.5PB 4/6.
Vessel 15, Saucer or Shallow Bowl (Figure 23 b) . Vessel 15 is of
the same pattern as Vessel 14, with designs 45 and 46 (Sussman 1972:411)
decorating the interior surface. The diameter at the rim is 190.0 mm,
with sherd thickness between 3.3 mm and 5.7 mm. The color of the
transfer print is 5PB 3/2 and the paste hardness is 5 on Moh's scale.
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Vessel 16, Bowl (Figure 23 c). This vessel is represented by six
sherds decorated by three designs: design 12, violets, found between
design 56, the rim bead-like geometric border, above and design 57, a
classic geometric border, below. All decorations appear to be on the
interior sides of the bowl, leaving the bottom interior and all the
exterior plain.
The pattern name is "Violet," made by W. T. Copeland from pre-1867
to the twentieth century (Sussman 1 979a : 226) . The color of the print is
7.5PB 4/6. The diameter of the bowl is approximately 152.0 mm and the
height is approximately 43.0 mm, with a thickness between 2.9 mm and 3.9
mm.
Vessel 17, Bowl (Figure 23 d). This bowl is represented by 28
sherds, many of which fit together to provide an accurate impression of
the original vessel. It is decorated with the pattern called "Pagoda,"
manufactured from ca. 1838 to post-1872. The bottom of the reconstructed
base of this vessel is stamped with the manufacturer's name, "Copeland."
The "Pagoda" pattern comprises several designs and shares the same
broad motifs with a pattern called "Macaw" (Sussman 1 979a : 1 55) . The two
patterns can often be confused if incomplete vessels are found.
The border decoration on Vessel 17 consists of design 63, stylized
flowers on a background of small spirals (Sussman 1972:316), found on
both interior and exterior; design 64, found on the interior and
consisting of a flower pot with two flowers on a circular stand (Sussman
1972:317); design 77, on the interior, an octagonal flower pot on a
rectangular stand (Sussman 1972:318); and design 160, on the exterior,
consisting of a bowl with fruit (Sussman 1972:325). The print is
extensively flowed on both interior and exterior, with a color of 7.5PB
2/6.
A hole has been bored from both sides through one of the rim sherds
of this vessel (see p. 92).
The diameter of the bowl is 127.0 mm at the rim and 28.5 mm at the
foot-ring. The height is 66.5 mm, and sherd thickness varies from 3.7 mm
to 5.0 mm.
Polychrome Underglaze Sponge-Stamped Ware
Vessel 18. Cup (Figure 23 e). This vessel is represented by three
sherds with polychrome stamped and painted decoration applied under
glaze. The interior of the vessel is plain except for a painted green
border (7.56Y 5/8) 2.40 mm wide, applied just below the rim.
The exterior of the cup has the same hand-painted green border on
the rim, followed by a sponge-stamped overlapping row of red flowers
(2.5R 3/6), underneath which is a row of alternating yellow rosettes (5Y
8/8) and green leaves (2.5B6 3/4). The combined sponge-stamped design is
approximately 30.0 mm in width and is followed by an undecorated space
approximately 15.0 mm wide. This, in turn, is followed by a hand-painted
green border (7.5GY 5/8) just above the shoulder of the cup.
The diameter of the vessel is approximately 133.4 mm, with a
thickness between 3.0 mm and 3.4 mm.
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The manufacturer of this vessel has not been identified, since a
number of companies produced earthenware with this type of decoration.
The most likely source, however, is Scotland, which produced a
sponge -stamped ware known as "Portneuf," described as:
". . . simple pottery for use on table and in toilet,
decorated in vivid colors by sponge and band painting,
generally having no maker's marks, exported from Great
Britain and particularly from Scotland to Canada in a
period from about 1840 to 1920 and distributed in the main
from Quebec City and Montreal to the settlements on the
banks of the St. Lawrence River" (Finlayson 1972:52-53).
Finlayson (1972:56) notes that Portneuf ware was also found in homes and
villages where Scots and French originally settled.
Similar pieces were also made by various potteries in the United
States from Massachusetts west to Ohio and south to Maryland and from ca.
1870 to 1920 (Ketchum 1983:235). Since the Metis at Buffalo Lake had
access to products from Britain through the Hudson's Bay Company and the
various freemen outfitting from Winnipeg, and to American products
through the various merchants and free traders outfitting from Fort
Benton, the source of this particular vessel is undetermined.
Red Stoneware
Vessel 19, Cup (Figure 23 f). Vessel 19 is a possible cup,
represented by two rim sherds. It is made of an English earthenware (red
stoneware) with a deep coppery-gold colored, metallic glaze that is also
known as lusterware.
The decoration of the vessel is confined to the exterior and
consists of a dark brown metallic glazed border (SYR 2/2), 15.5 mm wide,
extending from the rim, followed by an opaque blue band (5PB 3/8), of
undetermined width because the vessel is incomplete.
The interior is finished in a light-colored opaque glaze (5GY 9/1)
with no other decoration. The paste is of a reddish brown color, similar
to the exterior border without the metallic sheen. The manufacturer is
undetermined, but possibly the vessel was made after 1850 (Sussman
1972:236). The projected diameter of the cup is 62.75 mm, and sherd
thickness varies from 3.42 mm to 3.80 mm.
Miscellaneous Ware
In addition, five earthenware sherds recovered from Cabin 3 could
not be positively associated with any of the previous 19 vessels. One
sherd is burned and has a foot-ring; presumably it is part of the bottom
of a bowl or saucer which has been thrown into the fireplace. The other
sherds, however, are from the unglazed exterior portion of a vessel and
from a plain white glazed earthenware vessel.
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Glassware
Transparent Bottle Glass (Figure 24 a). A total of 13 sherds of
transparent bottle glass were recovered from Cabin 3. The surface of the
sherds is weathered, with an irridescent patina, but when viewed in
cross-section, they exhibit a slight greenish tone. A computer-generated
histogram based upon 52 thickness measurements is bimodal. This suggests
the possibility that two vessels are represented in the sample. The
first mode clustered 32.69% around a thickness between 2.67 mm and 3.18
mm. The second mode clustered 42.31% around a thickness between 1.62 mm
and 2.40 mm and represents a bottle approximately 30 mm in diameter.
Patent Medicine Bottle Fragments: Perry Davis Vegetable Pain Killer
(Figure 24 b). Eleven sherds forming part of a patent medicine bottle
were recovered from Cabin 3. Several sherds had moulded letters, found
on the front and side panels of the bottle. Part of the melted base of
the bottle measured 36.92 mm wide and 17.36 mm deep. The letter "R,"
12.05 mm up from the bottle base, was found on the fragments of a side
panel attached to this basal sherd.
Three additional sherds from side panels had the letters "KIL,"
"LE," and "P" respectively The letters "VIS" were found on a front
panel sherd, and "S" on a back panel sherd. The remaining sherds had no
lettering.
The front panel on a complete bottle would have borne the
inscription "PERRY DAVIS," the side panels "VEGETABLE" on one side and
"PAIN KILLER" on the other (Alyluia 1973:73-74, quoting Holbrook
1959:153).
Perry Davis Pain Killer was a proprietary medicine, since its brand
name was registered rather than its formula patented. Its ingredients
included gum Myrrh, 2 1/4 pounds; capsicum, 10 ounces; gum opium, 8
ounces; gum benzoine, 6 ounces; gum guiac, 3 ounces; gum camphor, 10
ounces; and alcohol, 5 gallons (Oleson 1891:134).
Dr. R. A. Locock of the Faculty of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical
Sciences at the University of Alberta provided the following description
(paraphrased) of properties of the ingredients in Perry Davis Pain Killer.
Myrrh is locally stimulating and may excite peristalsis of the
alimentary tract. Capiscum, also known as Cayenne pepper, is a powerful
local stimulant, producing when swallowed a sensation of heat in the
stomach and a general glow throughout the body. Opium, which is about 10
per cent morphine, was used as an analgesic. Benzoine is an irritating
expectorant which promotes the ejection of fluid or semi-fluid from the
lungs and air passages by coughing and spitting. Guiac was known as an
"alterative" - a mysterious drug that was used for chronic diseases for
which there was no satisfactory treatment, such as scrofula, syphilis,
and chronic rheumatism. Because of its local irritant action on the
stomach, it might cause some nausea, which would increase the tendency to
sweat, but it is doubtful that guiac had any therapeutic virtue. Camphor
was taken orally as a carminative and weak expectorant. The major use
was as a topical irritant for the external treatment of muscular strains,
as a liniment. Camphor is toxic; cases of poisoning have occurred mainly
from the accidental ingestion of camphor liniment (R. A. Locock, personal
communication citing Osol and Farrer 1955).
- 98 -
Perry Davis Pain Killer was registered in 1845, and bottles are
quite common in sites from Quebec to British Columbia. The example
illustrated in Alyluia (1973:91) is larger than the one from Buffalo Lake.
Medicine or Druggist's Bottle Fragments (Figure 24 c). A further 12
sherds from a medicine or druggist's bottle were recovered in the
excavation. Although similar to the Perry Davis bottle sherds, they do
not have writing on their panels and their average thickness is 1.50 mm,
much thinner than the average Perry Davis sherd thickness of 4.46 mm.
They form a bottle which is perhaps comparable to those illustrated in
Jones (1970:130, 133, 135, Figures 20-22).
Scotch Style Whisky Bottle Fragments (Figure 24 d). This vessel is
represented by two base sherds and 15 body sherds of yellow-green glass
(2.5GY 5/6) covered with a dull iridescent patina. The largest body
sherd, from near the shoulder or base of the bottle, measures 49.76 mm by
32.62 mm by 5.49 mm. The glass contains several oval bubbles oriented
parallel to the length of the bottle. The diameter is approximately 70
mm at the base. The bottle was probably made in a mould, but the
remaining sherds are too fragmentary to confirm this. It is similar to a
"Scotch Style Whiskey" bottle described by Alyluia (1973:32).
Multiple Dose Medicine Bottle Fragments (Figure 24 e). A total of
thirteen sherds of blue bottle glass were found. Eleven of the sherds
are from the neck area and are coated in a smooth, dull, highly colored
iridescent patina. There are bubbles present in the glass.
The thin neck sherds, measuring approximately 2.70 mm, are a medium
blue color, 5PB 5/8, while the two thicker body sherds, measuring
approximately 4.75 mm, are consequently of a darker blue and of a more
intense color when backlit (7.5PB 3/12).
The distinctive blue color may indicate a British origin (Alyluia
1973:71-72). The bottle is possibly a multiple dose medicine bottle.
Medicine Bottle Fragments? Nine melted glass sherds of partially
fused, very pale green transparent glass were recovered in excavations.
Possibly from a medicine bottle, the sherds are so distorted by heat that
it is impossible to estimate the size or shape of the original vessel.
Bottle Fragment? One small, thin, and slightly curved glass sherd
appears to have come from a bottle. The glass is transparent with a thin
purple blue iridescent patina of a different hue from sherds described
previously. Because of this difference the sherd has been ascribed to a
different vessel .
Mirror Glass (Figure 24 f). Six mirror glass sherds were recovered
in excavation. The glass is clear and transparent, with some of the
"silvering" still remaining on one surface. There is a very thin,
iridescent patina on the surface of both sides. Sherd thickness is 1.82
mm. The sherds were probably from a small hand mirror of undetermined
size.
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Window Glass (Figure 24 g). A very thin, flat sherd of transparent
glass was recovered from the upper level of Feature 2. Possibly from a
window pane, it is covered with a thin iridescent patina and measures
17.14 mm by 10.24 mm by 1.22 mm. Window glass, though available at this
time, was quite expensive. The more common form of letting in light made
use of hide parchment that was rubbed with fat to make it translucent
(D'Artigue 1973:125).
Sheet Metal Artifacts
Iron Strapping (Figure 25 a). A thin piece of burned iron
strapping, 70.10 mm by 21.36 mm by 1.24 mm, was recovered in association
with Feature 1. The strapping has three perforations through which nails
passed to attach it to a crate as a reinforcement. The crate appears
subsequently to have been burned in the fireplace.
A second piece of strapping, 14.06 mm by 18.34 mm by 1.17 mm, was
recovered from Feature 2. A small piece of preserved wood is still
attached .
Iron Keg or Barrel Hoop Fragments (Figure 25 b). Two hoop fragments
from a keg or barrel were recovered from Feature 3. The first measures
198.32 mm by 28.35 mm by 1.84 mm; the second measures 196.36 mm by 24.10
mm by 2.02 mm.
Ferrous Metal Container Lid (Figure 25 c). A ferrous metal lid from
a small container was recovered from Feature 2. It measures
approximately 40.64 mm in diameter and 1.43 mm in thickness, with an
upturned rim 3.13 mm high. This object was not cleaned in order to
preserve the fragments of cloth that are attached.
Iron Cans and Fragments (Figure 25 d, e). An almost complete iron
can (Figure 25 d) was recovered from Feature 3. It has been opened with
a knife from the bottom, resulting in a jagged edge. The top of the can
is still intact and retains two spots of solder, which originally sealed
the small openings used to let out steam as the contents were cooked at
the cannery. The crushed remains of the can measure 87.3 mm in height,
with a diameter of 76.05 mm and a weight of 68.11 grams.
An end from an iron can (Figure 25 e) was recovered from Feature 2.
It also has been opened with a knife rather than a can opener, although
it does not match the can from Feature 3. It is approximately 44 mm in
diameter and .97 mm in thickness.
The body of an iron can was recovered from the cabin floor just
north of Feature 1. Both ends are missing and the can is crushed flat.
The approximate dimensions are 36.92 mm in diameter, 39.81 mm high, and
.88 mm thick. The can is joined along the side by an overlapping
soldered seam 8.62 mm wide.
From Feature 2 another tin can body section was recovered. It
measures 103.00 mm by 19.50 mm by .55 mm. It has an overlapping soldered
seam 4.21 mm wide. Neither the diameter nor the height of the original
can can be determined. A second large body fragment, 180.00 mm by 20.00
mm by 1.02 mm, also has a seam.
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Ferrous Metal Scrap. A total of 59 pieces of rusted ferrous metal
scrap were recovered from Feature 2. Of these, two pieces bear wood
impressions on their oxidized surfaces; one has the impression of a fine
woven cloth, possibly cotton; one piece has been bent in a circle 18.36
mm in diameter, and one piece has a 1.62 mm diameter nail hole in one
end. A single fragment, possibly from a biscuit tin, was also found. Of
the remaining 50 fragments, 46 appear to be pieces of iron can, and four
are unidentifiable.
Copper Scrap. A small piece of unidentified copper scrap was
recovered from Feature 2. It measures 9.67 mm by 3.59 mm by .63 mm.
Brass Metal Ring (Figure 25 f). A brass metal ring that appears to
have been cut from a .44-40 Winchester Centrefire cartridge case was
recovered from Feature 2. It has an outside diameter of 11.34 mm, an
inside diameter of 9.95 mm, and a height of 3.78 mm. It may have
functioned as a ferrule.
Lead Foil (Figure 25 g) . A total of 28 pieces of lead foil were
recovered in excavation. Lead foil was associated with all three
features in Cabin 3. The largest example measures 49.70 mm by 27.02 mm
by .36 mm; the average thickness of all fragments is approximately .40 mm.
This foil may have originated from containers, or liners for
containers, holding tea, one of the most common beverages in the Upper
Saskatchewan District during the nineteenth century.
Black powder also was sometimes sold in lead containers, which were
afterwards melted down and cast into balls for ammunition. Most of the
documentary evidence for Buffalo Lake, however, suggests that powder was
sold from kegs.
Perforated Zinc Alloy Sheet Fragments (Figure 25 h). A total of
nine fragments of zinc alloy or zinc-plated sheet metal were recovered.
Three of the fragments fit together, forming a section measuring 64.07 mm
by 54.58 mm by .53 mm.
Perforations appear to have been punched with a square nail. Some
appear rounded in outline owing to the nail having been twisted in the
holes to smooth the corners. The section exhibits an even pattern of
nine rows of six perforations, each with two extra tiny holes in line
with the first row of six. All pieces were perforated from the same
side, resulting in a series of sharp raised ridges, much like those found
on a cheese grater. These ridges average 2.25 mm in height, including
the thickness of the metal sheet.
A second series of three fragments also fit together, forming a
section that measures 115.59 mm by 22.47 mm by .56 mm. These pieces have
21 square nail-hole perforations randomly spaced and with little effort
made to round the edges. The ridge formed on the back side of the
section is 2.18 mm high.
In addition, three unperforated fragments were recovered, of which
two fit together, forming a section that measures 73.30 mm by 10.33 mm by
.55 mm.
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All of these fragments appear to have come from the same artifacts.
Although identification is not positive, they may be from a tobacco
shredder, a grater, or a pierced metal-work lantern.
A single piece of zinc alloy had been formed into a ring 13.13 mm in
diameter, 3.03 mm high, and 1.05 mm thick. The thickness of the metal
alone suggests origin from a different artifact than the previously
described fragments.
Wire Artifacts
Wire Handle (Figure 26 a). A wire handle, possibly from a small
metal pail, was excavated from the bottom of Feature 2. It measures
132.33 mm in length and 4.0 mm in diameter.
Iron Hooks (Figure 26 b, c). Three fragments of an iron hook were
excavated from Cabin 3. Two sections were recovered from Feature 2,
while the third was recovered from the fireplace, Feature 1. The
fragments may represent a portion of fireplace hardware used to suspend
cooking pots. The joined fragments are 68.22 mm in length and have an
oval cross-section 8.85 mm by 7.83 mm.
A second long iron hook (Figure 26 b), broken at one end, was
recovered from Feature 3. It measures 227.00 mm in length and 7.28 mm in
diameter.
A third hook (Figure 26 c), with flattened and broken ends, was
recovered from Feature 1. It measures 97.02 mm in length and 8.51 mm in
diameter.
All three hooks may have been fireplace hardware.
Metal Straight Pins (Figure 26 d). Five plated steel straight pins
were recovered from Cabin 3. Their length ranges from 29.97 mm to 42.0
mm, diameter of shaft from .78 mm to .91 mm, and diameter of head from
1.75 mm to 2.02 mm. All are complete except for one that is broken into
five sections. Four pins were recovered from Feature 2 and one from
Feature 1 .
Stamped Metal Spoon
A machine-stamped tin-plated ferrous metal spoon (Figure 26 e) was
excavated from Feature 2. Of teaspoon size, it bears no maker's marks or
inscription. Total length is 134.40 mm, while the bowl is 46.80 mm long
and 30.16 mm wide.
Tin-Plated Cup
A complete tin-plated ferrous metal cup (Figure 26 f) was recovered
from Feature 2. It is 47.00 mm high and has a diameter of 103.00 mm at
the rim.
Strike-a-Light Fragment
A flattened piece of steel (Figure 26 g), broken at both ends, was
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recovered from Feature 2. It measures 53.82 mm long, 10.23 mm wide, and
4.27 mm thick. It appears to be a section of a fire steel or
strike -a-1 ight .
Rectangular Brass Object
An extruded rectangular brass object with a hole bored off-centre
through its length (Figure 26 h) was recovered from Feature 2. Preserved
in the hole is a piece of two-ply twisted cord with a knot in one end.
The brass object measures 58.84 mm by 11.71 mm by 11.57 mm. The diameter
of the hole is variable, measuring 6.24 mm at one end and 5.92 mm at the
other. The piece of cord is 70.48 mm long and 1.66 mm in diameter. The
function of this object is yet to be determined.
Silver United States Half Dime
A silver United States half dime dated 1857 (Figure 26 i, inset) was
recovered from Feature 3. This coin, composed of 90% silver and 10%
copper, contains .0362 ounces of pure silver. It is of the "arrows
removed" variety of the "Liberty Seated" type issued from 1856 to 1859
(Krause and Mishler 1985:1869-1870).
Hard Rubber Comb Tooth
A single hard rubber comb tooth (Figure 26 j) was recovered in
Feature 2. The tooth measures 30.28 mm in length, 4.40 mm in width, and
tapers in thickness from 2.58 mm to 1.18 mm. This is similar to examples
recovered from Cabins 2 and 4 and discussed further in Chapter VII, p.
172.
Discussion
The Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance category was
dominated by ceramics and glassware. Over 180 ceramic sherds were
assembled in the laboratory to reconstruct portions of a minimum of 19
separate vessels.
Most of the sample was earthernware, with a paste hardness averaging
greater than four to less than five on Moh's Scale. This earthenware
sample was dominated by monochrome underglaze transfer-printed wares
manufactured in Staffordshire by W. T. Copeland. The identified patterns
included Pagoda, Ruins or Melrose, B 772, Ivy, and Violet. The other
positively identified maker was Thomas Furnival.
The 19 identified vessels were dominated by decorated bowl and
cup-and-saucer forms, accounting for 89.47% of the sample. The remainder
was made up of dinner plates. Of the transfer-printed ware, the most
frequent print color was a moderate purple-blue.
The origin of most of the wares from Cabin 3 appears to have been
Great Britain, via the Hudson's Bay Company, though independent suppliers
in Red River such as Stobart and Eden also handled English goods
(Hamilton 1875). Similar wares were identified from Company posts by
Sussman (1972 and 1979a), and Doll also has noted vessels with identical
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patterns from Hudson's Bay posts dating from the middle to the third
quarter of the nineteenth century, such as Rocky Mountain House, Victoria
Post, and Fort Pitt. Presumably, ceramics with these patterns would have
been purchased from the various posts, including Fort Edmonton, from
freemen who outfitted for trade the various Company posts, or from
independent merchants in Winnipeg.
The source of the sponge-stamped earthenware and the lusterware is
more problematical. Several pieces of the former could have been brought
to the settlement of Lac Ste. Anne or St. Albert from Quebec, where the
type was more common. Alternately, if the ware was of American rather
than of Scottish manufacture, the source could have been Red River by way
of Minnesota or Fort Benton, which in turn would be supplied by St.
Louis, I. 6. Baker and Company's headquarters, with river-steamboat and
other transportation networks existing right to the place of
manufacture. Certainly the presence of the United States 1857 silver
half dime is indicative of commerce in that direction. In addition,
agents of the I. G. Baker Company were operating in the Upper
Saskatchewan District as far north as Fort Edmonton from a very early
period. They had established a presence at Buffalo Lake and farther
south at Lethbridge, Fort Calgary, and Fort Macleod (see Chapter III).
Also problematical was the identification of incomplete impressions
in the bottom of a dinner plate, Vessel 5. It is possible that these
impressions may form part of a date stamp by Mintons Ltd. of
Staffordshire, England. If so, then they appear quite similar to the
illustrated date stamp for the year 1881 (Cushion 1980:234). On the
documentary evidence, this would seem to postdate the final abandonment
of the site (see Chapter III, however).
If these impressions can be positively identified, there may be
evidence to suggest individual reoccupation of the Buffalo Lake Metis
site, or at least of Cabin 3, after the major abandonment in the spring
of 1878, and after the general movement of Metis hunters south to Bow
River, Milk River, and subsequently south of the United States border
into the Judith Basin of Montana.
This one artifact, perhaps coupled with the shot-shell bases, has
the potential to cause a serious reinterpretation of the Buffalo Lake
Metis site, and also of the resources that would have replaced the bison
after 1878. This, in turn, raises other questions. If there is evidence
for post-1878 occupation, could there have been year-round occupation as
well, since bison would not then be the only reason for inhabiting the
site?
The other obvious question that arises is whether there were still
bison wintering near Buffalo Lake subsequent to the documented
abandonment in the spring of 1878. There are references to hunting
parties from Duhamel and Hobbema (Edmonton Bulletin 1884) seeking a few
remaining buffalo southeast of the Metis site, but no clear-cut evidence
to suggest the economic viability of such ventures. If these buffalo
were present in sufficient numbers, an hi vernement existence might have
been possible for one or more families until some time later. Despite
the collapse of the robe trade, there was still a market for fresh and
dried meat as well as leather.
- 104 -
The presence of a large number of fragile artifacts such as ceramics
suggests that the Metis at Buffalo Lake travelled and wintered as
complete households. This contention is supported by James Hector of
Captain John Palliser's 1858 expedition, who observed that two villages
of 30 to 40 houses each, making up the settlement of Lac Ste. Anne (the
population of which made up the greater part of the Buffalo Lake
wintering site), was almost deserted during the hunt (Spry 1968:
219-220). Although, by their fragmentary nature, the Buffalo Lake
ceramics indicate rather rough usage, there is some evidence to suggest
that repair was attempted on three vessels and that final disposal was
not completed until a vessel was unsal vageable.
Most of the glass sherds recovered from Cabin 3 were from bottles,
and most of the identified bottles were for medicine. This poses the
question of how dominant were the roles played by folk-medicine and
pharmacology respectively? The trend towards the use of pharmaceuticals
and patent medicines appears to have been reinforced by the missionaries,
who, like the Hudson's Bay Company, tried to maintain regular stocks
(Baldwin Nd; Lestanc 1910). Certainly there is hard evidence for the use
of patent pain killers, which may go hand in hand with evidence for the
consumption of processed canned foods. At this time, such foods would
have been dominated by fruits, condiments, and meats. These combined
with the heavy use of refined sugar in tea, the dominant beverage, may
suggest one important reason for such a large consumption of patent
medicines: dental caries and the accompanying toothache.
Fireplace hardware, such as hooks for suspending cooking pots,
appear to be common. Although matches were by now generally available,
the use of flint and steel to start fires in the cabins is in evidence.
Although illicit whiskey trading took place at Buffalo Lake, and was
the main reason the North West Mounted Police paid a visit there in
January of 1875, the Scotch whiskey bottle present at Cabin 3 was more
than likely part of what was allowed under permit. All historical
sources consulted mentioned casks or kegs as the standard container for
the transport of liquor in the Northwest, less likely than bottles to
break in transit.
In summary, the artifacts in the household category reflect an
inventory of consumer goods that would indicate a rather long, though
temporary, stay, in that many of the objects would have required careful
preparation and packing for transport to the wintering sites. Many could
only be replaced at major posts such as Fort Edmonton or Winnipeg, and
consequently they were highly valued. This was particularly evident in
the case of certain ceramics.
There is also some evidence to suggest that at least one window in
Cabin 3 was glazed. Most descriptions of wintering cabins describe a
stretched, greased piece of deer parchment serving the purpose of letting
in light.
TRANSPORTATION
Animal powered transport played a major role in the daily life of
the various people who visited and wintered at Buffalo Lake. To the
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Metis hivernants, in particular, horses were crucial to the hunt and to
the subsequent transportation of the products of that hunt. Indeed,
horse transportation was the single most important ingredient in assuring
success in the provisioning and robe trade, once the bison herds had been
located. Peter Erasmus (1976:206-208, 218-219) describes at some length
the importance and the value attributed to a good "buffalo-runner."
From the correspondence of the partners and clerks of the Hudson's
Bay Company we can document the importance of animal transport at Buffalo
Lake and other wintering sites in the Parkland and foothills. Although
oxen were in common use throughout the period, letters written between
the years 1874 and 1877 to and from Richard Hardisty are heavily spiced
with references to the use of horses with (Red River) carts during the
summer and early fall (Hardisty Papers, Items 610, 887) and the use of
horses with sleds in the winter (Hardisty Papers, Items 421, 422, and
613). The use of dog trains in the winter months is also well documented
(Hardisty Papers, Items 608, 609, 611, 614, and 773).
Of no small importance was the use of horses for trade by agents of
the Hudson's Bay Company and by the many free traders (Hardisty Papers,
Items 605 and 773).
Although steamboat transportation, however unreliable, was available
to the two closest major supply posts for the Buffalo Lake hivernants,
Forts Benton and Edmonton, it was not of direct significance at the site
itself.
Horseshoe Nails
Six horseshoe nails (Figure 27 a) were recovered from the interior
of Cabin 3, five examples from Feature 2, and one from Feature 1.
Possibly the latter nail decorated an object that was subsequently used
as fuel. Four of the six specimens are complete, averaging 56.34 mm in
length. Five of the six have five-sided heads when seen in profile,
while one specimen, recovered from Feature 1, has a three-sided head.
Harness Parts
Base of Harness Stud or Bell (Figure 27 b). A possible base for a
harness stud or bell was recovered from Feature 2. It consists of a
round iron disc 20.20 mm in diameter with a raised rim 3.94 mm high and
1.14 mm thick, to which the dome of a stud or bell could have been
crimped. Attached to the bottom of the disc, by means of an iron rivet
in the centre, is a double-pronged staple for attachment of the leather
harness. The one complete prong of the two measures 25.25 mm by 11.58 mm
by .98 mm.
Leather Harness Strap (Figure 27 c). A section of leather harness
strap was recovered in six small fragments from Feature 2. The section
measures 60.45 mm in length, 14.82 mm in width, and 2.81 mm in
thickness. The leather was extremely dehydrated, so that the foregoing
measurements cannot be regarded as accurate for the strap in new
condition.
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Harness Buckles (Figure 27 d-f). Two types of small harness buckles
were recovered. The first type (Figure 27 d) is distinguished by its
rounded proximal end. One example, from Feature 2, measures 25.68 mm by
24.73 mm, ranging from 3.55 mm to 4.61 mm in thickness. The length of
the tongue is 26.94 mm, and the diameter is 3.27 mm.
A second example (Figure 27 e) was recovered from Feature 3 and
measures 25.44 mm by 24.90 mm, with a thickness ranging from 3.09 mm to
4.79 mm. The tongue is 26.18 mm in length and 3.25 mm in diameter.
The second type of small steel harness buckle is characterized by a
straight proximal end (Figure 27 f). The long axis is perpendicular to
the tongue rather than parallel to it as in the first type. One example,
from Feature 2, measures 16.54 mm by 20.18 mm, with a thickness ranging
from 2.67 mm to 2.74 mm. The tongue measures 17.04 mm in length and 1.98
mm in diameter.
Harness Rings (Figure 27 g, h). Two harness rings were excavated
from Feature 2. The first is 41.11 mm in diameter and was made from
steel stock 4.82 mm in diameter. The second is 38.26 mm in diameter,
made from steel stock 5.33 mm in diameter.
Discussion
Transportation, and the activities related to it, were very
important at the Buffalo Lake hi vernant camp. On first impression, it
would seem, therefore, that artifacts of this category are rather
under-represented in Cabin 3. However, the paucity of artifacts
reflecting transportation may in itself be an artifact of the
archaeological method. Artifacts normally associated with transportation
would be expected outside the cabin, to be found with a stable structure,
or, in the case of dog transportation, a stage structure. That artifacts
related to horse transport were found within the cabin itself suggests
that harness repair took place here as part of the many household
activities. Excavations away from the cabin structures might shed
further light on the presence of shelter for horses, dogs, or oxen, in
addition, perhaps, to revealing specialized work stations related to
transportation, such as forges and carriole stages.
DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION
Over 95% of the artifacts from Cabin 3 were placed in this category,
owing mainly to the inclusion of 11,762 glass beads. No substantially
complete items of clothing as such were preserved.
Buttons
The buttons recovered from Cabin 3 were classified into four main
groups, each group being further subdivided into types following a system
similar to, but not identical with, that found in Losey et al.
(1977a:151, Figures 12-15).
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Group I, Glass Buttons
Type la (Figure 28 a). Type la buttons are sew-through (Bragonier
and Fisher 1981:205), plain white, and undecorated, with a concave face
with a circle in the centre containing four holes. They have a raised
rounded rim and a convex back. The measured buttons averaged 10.41 mm in
diameter and 3.08 mm in thickness. Three complete and three broken
examples were recovered, all from Feature 2.
Type lb (Figure 28 b) . Type lb buttons are the same as Type la,
except the basic color is brown. Two whole and one broken example were
found. The first whole example measures 10.99 mm by 3.12 mm. The color
is SYR 2/4. The second whole example measures 10.76 mm by 3.06 mm and is
of the same color. The broken example is 3.16 mm thick and its color is
5YR 3/4
Type 2 (Figure 28 c). Type 2 glass buttons are characterized by a
concave face with four holes and a rim that slopes down towards the
recessed circle in which the holes are located. The buttons are white in
color with convex backs. They differ from Type 1 in that they lack the
raised rounded rim.
Only one Type 2 button was found. It measures 11.39 mm in diameter,
with a maximum thickness of 3.13 mm.
Type 3 (Figure 28 d). Type 3 buttons differ from Types 1 and 2 in
that they have no recessed circle in the middle. Otherwise they are
similar in most characteristics.
Two examples were recovered, one of which is broken. The whole
example is 10.11 mm in diameter and 3.40 mm thick. The thickness of the
broken example is 3.33 mm. Both specimens were recovered from Feature 2.
Type 4 (Figure 28 e). The faces of Type 4 buttons slope upward from
the outer edge to the central recessed circle containing the four holes.
The back edge of the button slopes downward to meet the flat circle
containing these holes, giving the button a "flying saucer" shape. The
buttons are white in color.
Two examples of this type were found. Their diameters are 14.51 mm
and 14.57 mm, and their thicknesses 4.03 mm and 4.10 mm.
Type 5 (Figure 28 f-i). Type 5 buttons have a white basic color,
with four holes. There is no shoulder, and the face slopes upwards from
the outer edge to meet a recessed circle containing the holes. The back
is convex. Within the type, several sub-types can be distinguished.
(a) Plain White (Figure 28 f), with the possibility that an
overglaze transfer design has been worn off. The diameter is 10.52 mm,
thickness 2.95 mm.
(b) Quilted or Cross-hatched Overglaze Transfer Design on face and
edge (Figure 28 g). The color of the design is 5R 6/6. The diameter is
11.22 mm, thickness 3.33 mm. Such "calicos" are similar to French
- 108 -
pressed clay types of the nineteenth century (Peacock 1978:53, Figure
11.5). Some of them were transfer-printed with patterns similar to
contemporary cloth prints such a calico or gingham, or they were printed
with other stencilled designs (Peacock 1978:54).
These buttons were manufactured in Italy, Bohemia, England, and
France and date from around the middle of the nineteenth century (Luscomb
1978:16).
(c) Pale Blue on the face and edge (Figure 28 h), but with a white
centre (5 to 7B 7/2). The diameter is 11.41 mm, thickness 3.34 mm.
(d) Branch and Leaves Design incised on the face and central recess
(Figure 28 i). The decoration is of a reddish brown color, 1 OR 4/6.
(For an example see Schiff 1979:33, Plate 12, Item 8). The single
example is 11.30 mm in diameter and 3.09 mm thick. All Type 5 buttons
were recovered from Feature 2.
Type 6 (Figure 28 j). Type 6 buttons are the same in general
outline as Type 5, except they have a glossy black bone color. Two
examples were found, one from Feature 1 measuring 10.79 mm in diameter
and 3.08 mm in thickness and one from Feature 2 measuring 10.79 mm in
diameter and 2.91 mm in thickness.
The example from Feature 1 suggests that the piece of clothing to
which it was formerly attached may have been used as tinder, in
combination with a strike-a-1 ight, to make a fire in the fireplace.
Discarded pieces of cotton were often charred in the absence of oxygen
within a metal container to supply this type of tinder.
Group II, Shell Buttons
Shell buttons were made from a variety of mollusc shells (pearl or
mother-of-pearl). They were mass-produced in Birmingham from the
beginning of the nineteenth century and in America from 1885 (Peacock
1978:62). The shells were imported from the Pacific and Indian Oceans
and from the Red Sea. Fresh-water shells and abalone were used in the
United States.
Type 1 (Figure 29 a). Type 1 shell buttons have two holes, a single
incised border line, a slightly convex face, and an oval-shaped groove
across the holes in the centre to allow for the flush fitting of the
thread. The back is flat with no decoration. In some cases one or
several layers of shell have come away from the main body of the button,
thereby removing the evidence either for the incised border or the oval
groove on the face of the button.
Four examples were found, three from Feature 3 and one broken
specimen from Feature 2. The first three examples measure 9.59 mm by
1.85 mm, 9.54 mm by 1.24 mm, and 9.98 mm by 2.09 mm. The broken example
is missing the groove and border line because the top layer of shell has
become detached. The button measures 9.51 mm in diameter and 1.61 mm in
thickness .
- 109 -
Type 2 (Figure 29 b). Type 2 shell buttons have two holes, a double
incised border line, a slightly convex front, and a convex back. As in
Type 1 buttons, an oval-shaped groove is found on the face, but the
overall size of the buttons is greater.
One example was recovered from Feature 2. It was 12.44 mm in
diameter and 3.10 mm thick.
Type 3 (Figure 29 c). Type 3 shell buttons have three holes, a
single incised border line, no groove on the face, and a flat face and
back.
One example was excavated from Feature 2. It measures 11.53 mm in
diameter and 1.91 mm in thickness.
Type 4 (Figure 29 d). Type 4 shell buttons have no border, no
groove, a concave face, a flat back, and four holes. Two examples were
obtained from Feature 2. They measured 8.62 mm by 1.18 mm and 9.73 mm by
1 .42 mm.
Group III, Bone Buttons
Bone buttons, the mainstay of peasant clothing before 1875,
were made all over the British Isles in small local
manufacturies, and production was not centered in one
area. Even some quite small villages had a local button
maker, who used rib and shin bones from sheep and cattle,
which were cut, turned and drilled to make simple buttons
[Peacock 1978:56].
The bone buttons from Buffalo Lake, then, would be expected to occur
on general, simple work clothing commonly obtained from the Hudson's Bay
Company or from travelling free traders. Peacock (1978:57, Figure 13.2)
illustrates a bone button similar to the Buffalo Lake examples and notes
that such buttons were dyed brown and acquired an attractive patina with
age. They also tended to wear unevenly, and they were generally unmarked
The Buffalo Lake examples ranged in color from an ivory brown to a
dark brown, with sometimes a considerable variation on the same piece.
Two types are distinguishable.
Type 1 (Figure 29 e). These are large, sew-through, turned bone
buttons with concave faces, convex backs, and four holes. The rim is
fairly wide and outlined by a wide incised line that forms the base of a
central depression containing the four holes. In some examples, an open
cross-shaped lathe mark is found on the back. (For comparative examples,
see Losey 1 977a : 1 51 , Figure 56.9; Moat 1978:81, Figure 12 b; and Steer et
al. 1979:11, 467, Figure 141 o.)
Five examples were recovered from Feature 2, all perhaps from one
discarded garment. Measurements and characteristics are as follows:
Diameter 19.09 mm, thickness 3.92 mm, lathe marks.
Diameter 19.25 mm, thickness 3.73 mm, chipped, no lathe marks.
Diameter 18.91 mm, thickness 2.91 mm, badly eroded, poor
preservation, no lathe marks.
- no -
Diameter 18.52 mm, thickness 3.10 mm, very well preserved, some root
marks .
Diameter 19.13 mm, thickness 2.61 mm, broken, dark patina.
Type 2 (Figure 29 f). Type 2 bone buttons are machine-turned and
round, with a brass wire shank. In the centre of the face is a small
shallow circular depression, which may originally have contained a paste
jewel .
Comparison was made with buttons in the historical costume
collections of the Provincial Museum of Alberta and the Faculty of
Household Economics at the University of Alberta. The Type 2 style,
covered in all cases, was found on women's dresses and, covered in either
cloth or leather, on both men's and womens's shoes.
Four Type 2 buttons were recovered from Feature 2. They measured
7.86 mm by 5.60 mm, 7.91 mm by 5.28 mm, 7.79 mm by 5.02 mm, and 7.88 mm
by 4.84 mm. The thickness measurement is for the bone portion of the
button only.
Group IV, Metal Buttons
Metal buttons from Cabin 3 were found in a great variety of styles.
The sample was classified into eight types.
Type 1. Two-Piece Military Button with Wire Shank (Figure 29 g). A
single United States Army button was recovered from Feature 2. The
button is made from brass with a plain eagle design on the front and is
marked with the manufacturer's name on the back: "SCOVILLE & CO. EXTRA."
Campbell (1965:No page) suggests that:
. . . such buttons could be worn by all soldiers
regardless of branch of service. Further, they would be
most appropriate for soldiers assigned to supply,
medical, and other staff duties away from combat units.
The plain eagle button, figures 20 and 21, born of
need during the Mexican War, became the standard design
for all enlisted soldiers in 1855 and continued without
change until 1872, when the basic design was retained,
but the form of the eagle was altered.
Campbell (1965:No page) also presents an account of the manufacture
of the Buffalo Lake variety. Leavenworth, Hayden, and Scovill was a
partnership founded in Waterbury, Connecticut before the War of 1812.
Throughout that war, the firm was the largest supplier of brass buttons
to the army, with a virtual monopoly on those for the artillery, light
artillery, and rifles. Additionally, they undertook contracts for
"plied" buttons for the armed forces for more than 150 years. The
descendent company, Scovill Industries, is today a prime contractor to
the Department of Defence.
- Ill -
Type 2, One-Piece, Spun-Back Cast Buttons (Figure 30 a). Four cast
white metal spun-back buttons with a wire shank in a boss were recovered
from Cabin 3. Three were recovered from Feature 2 and one from Feature
3. They measure 22.99 mm by 2.71 mm, 20.63 mm by 1.09 mm, 21.28 mm by
1.30 mm, and 22.62 mm by 1.48 mm respectively.
This type of button is generally common in fur trade sites in
Alberta dating from the late eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries
(Steer et al. 1979: Vol . 2, 465, Figure 141 a; Kidd 1970:Figure 89).
Type 3 (Figure 30 b) . Type 3 are two-piece metal disc buttons with
a metal eye. The face piece is crimped onto the back piece. The
dome-shaped face is undecorated, and the eye is brazed to the back (Steer
et al. 1979: Vol . 2, Figure 141 d).
One brass example was recovered from Feature 2. It measures 11.83
mm in diameter and 9.43 mm in thickness.
Type 4 (Figure 30 c, d). These are single-piece metal sew-through
buttons with four holes.
Variety a. These buttons (Figure 30 c) are made from a copper
alloy, with four holes contained in a central recess, the edge of which
has a decorated, beaded border. The buttons are marked "DOUBLE RING
--EDGE." Two examples, one with a small fragment of cloth attached, were
recovered from Feature 2. They measure 17.20 mm in diameter and 1.05 mm
in thickness.
Variety b. This button (Figure 30 d) is similar to Variety a, but
is cast in pewter and has no inscription. The flat portion of the face
is decorated with a continuous circle of raised reeds along the outer
edge. The single example, from Feature 2, measures 18.02 mm by 1.42 mm.
Type 5 (Figure 30 e, f). These are two-piece metal disc buttons,
with a cross-pin serving as the means of attachment.
Variety a. These buttons (Figure 30 e) have a brass face and iron
back. The face is decorated with a circle of raised reeds along the edge
of the central recess. The cross-pin face is also brass and the back
iron. These buttons were originally cloth-covered, with some cloth still
attached to one of the examples from Feature 3. Altogether, three
examples were recovered, two from Feature 3 and one from Feature 2. They
measure 17.29 mm by 4.35 mm (cloth attached to back), 11.20 mm by 4.33
mm, and 16.51 mm by 4.19 mm (see Steer et al . 1979 : Vol 2, 467, Figure 141
f).
Variety b. These buttons (Figure 30 f) are decorated, with the
inscription "TRADE" and other obliterated letters appearing on the face
in script form. The letters appear to be interspersed with various
decorative elements. The face is brass, while the cross-pin and back are
iron. These too were originally fabric-covered buttons.
One example, recovered from Feature 2, has some rotten wood
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fragments of undetermined original function adhering to the rusted back.
The button is 16.60 mm in diameter and 4.38 mm thick.
Type 6 (Figure 30 g) . This is a one-piece copper-alloy metal disc
button, with a cross-pin serving as the means of attachment. It appears
to have been manufactured by stamping and is coated in a shiny black
enamel. The flat part of the face around the outer edge is decorated
with a series of raised dots. The one example, measuring 14.30 mm by
1.13 mm, was associated with Feature 3.
Type 7 (Figure 30 h). These are two-piece brass disc buttons with
the face piece crimped onto the back piece. One example was recovered
from Feature 3. The entire face is decorated with a pattern of very fine
raised dots arranged in concentric circles. The back of the button is
missing, while the front is crudely pierced near the edge and may have
been suspended with a wire for use as an earring or ornament. The front
portion of the button is 18.13 mm in diameter and it is made from brass
.42 mm thick.
Type 8 (Figure 30 i, j). These are two-piece, cloth-covered metal
buttons with the cloth still attached, making them difficult to
distinguish from other two-piece metal buttons, such as Type 5.
Variety a. This variety (Figure 30 i) was covered with cloth of a
herringbone weave, possibly wool. It may have had a brazed wire eye, but
this is missing on the single heavily rusted example recovered from
Feature 2. The specimen measures 12.92 mm in diameter and 5.27 mm in
thickness, and may have served as a vest or jacket sleeve button.
Variety b. This variety (Figure 30 j) is larger and thinner,
serving perhaps as a coat button. One example, measuring 16.73 mm by
3.10 mm, was recovered from Feature 2. (See Losey 1977a:l 50-1 51 , Figure
56; 1977b:90-93, Figures 56 and 57 for comparable buttons.)
Miscellaneous . A disc-shaped iron object bearing a preserved
impression on its heavily rusted surface was recovered from Feature 3.
It may represent part of the front and raised rim portion of a two-piece
crimped metal button. It has a hole in the centre 4.05 mm in diameter.
The outside diameter is 10.94 mm, and the thickness is .63 mm.
Beads
Glass beads were the most numerous artifacts recovered from Cabin
3. In total, 11,762 were found, accounting for 94.74% of the artifact
sample. Most beads were recovered from Feature 2.
In order to maximize recovery of small artifacts, such as beads
(often under 2 mm in diameter), large samples of earth, such as cellar
fill from the major depressions, especially Feature 2, were bagged on the
site and brought back to the laboratory for processing. Using sieves and
water flotation, seeds, as well as micro-fauna too small to be collected
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in the standard one-quarter inch mesh field screens, were easily
recovered .
The classification of the Cabin 3 bead sample is based upon several
characteristics including material, method of manufacture, size, color,
ability to transmit light, and modification or decoration. Within the
bead sample from Cabin 3, four general groups were discerned: drawn
tubular beads, wound beads, pressed beads, and finally metal beads.
Drawn Tubular Beads (Figure 31 a, b). By far the most numerous beads
were made from glass tubing, heated and tumbled to round the edges, but
otherwise unmodified. Of these, the majority were monochrome in a great
variety of colors (Figure 31 a). These beads were further subdivided
according to size, following Conn (1969). The majority were "seed" beads
(under 2 mm in diameter), but some were "intermediate" (between 2 mm and
3 mm in diameter), and "pony" sized (greater than 3 mm).
A second, much smaller group of drawn tubular beads were modified
prior to or during the drawing process (Figure 31 b) . Some of these are
bichrome, with vari-colored cores including the "Cornaline d'Aleppo,"
having an opaque brick-red exterior with an opaque white or a translucent
core. Other modified or decorated beads include opaque white specimens
with blue stripes, and some that appear to have been flattened while the
tube was in a plastic state. A final example has been modified by
facetting subsequent to the drawing and cutting of the tube.
In 1986, Mary Malainey carried out a detailed bead analysis based on
identification of characteristics previously described. Bead color was
determined by comparison, under flourescent light, with a set of chips
from the standard Munsell Book of Color. Malainey discovered that
several beads had undergone a certain degree of patination. These were
measured wet. In determining the ability of the beads to transmit light,
an examination was made under a ref lected-1 ight microscope with an
artifical light source. Table 10, Appendix III, summarizes the data
generated by Malainey's analysis.
Wound Glass Beads.
Undecorated Wound Beads (Figure 31 c, d). Three undecorated wound
beads were recovered from Cabin 3. Two (Figure 31 c) are transparent and
yellow in color (2.5GY 9/4 and 10Y 8.5/6). They measure 7.10 mm by 3.96
mm and 6.81 mm by 4.00 mm respectively. The third example (Figure 31 d)
is much larger, 8.8 mm in diameter and 6.4 mm in length. It is
translucent and covered with a dark, iridescent patina (10YR 3/1). All
three undecorated beads were recovered from Feature 2.
Facetted Wound Beads (Figure 31 e) . Five wound facetted beads were
recovered from Feature 2. The facets were made by grinding rather than
molding, and they run parallel to the length of the bead. Perforations
are generally off-centre. Two beads have eight facets and two have nine
facets. Since they appear to have been hand-ground, the facets are
generally uneven. The fifth example is too fragmentary to determine the
number of facets.
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The four measurable examples range in diameter from 9.18 mm to 9.56
mm, averaging 9.43 mm. Their length ranges from 13.44 mm to 14.72 mm and
averages 13.89 mm. Four examples are medium sky-blue in color (2.5PB
5/10), and one example is a dark blue shade (10B 5/8).
Inlaid Mound Beads. One inlaid wound bead was recovered from
Feature 2. The badly weathered and subsequently disintegrated example
has spots or inlays of blue glass (5PB 3/6), into a basic color of opaque
green (7.5GY 0/4). The diameter is 12.6 mm and the length is 12.2 mm.
This type of bead is generally more common in fur-trade sites dating
from the late 1700s to early 1800s in Alberta (Nicks 1969; Kidd 1970),
and similar types are called "Kitty Fisher's Eyes."
Pressed Glass Beads (Figure 31 f, g). Five pressed glass beads were
recovered from Cabin 3. Four are made from transparent green (7.5G 7/8)
glass (Figure 31 f). They are squarish in outline, averaging 7.40 mm in
diameter and 7.23 mm in length. The beads are flat on the perforated
ends, while the remaining four surfaces are decorated with four facets
each. All four specimens were recovered from Feature 2.
The fifth presssed bead (Figure 31 g) was recovered from Feature 3.
It is made from transparent yellow glass (5GY 9/4) and is rounder in
profile, measuring 6.6 mm in diameter and 5.8 mm in length. It is
decorated with a number of irregular facets around the entire girth.
Metal Beads (Figure 31 h, i). Two metal beads, both made of brass, were
recovered from Feature 2. The first is a two-piece crimped bead, 12.6 mm
by 10.6 mm. The second is a one-piece bead, 8.4 mm by 7.6 mm.
Miscellaneous Beads. A sample of melted, bubbled, opaque glass with an
iridescent coppery-green patina was recovered from Feature 2. It
measures 5.97 mm by 3.85 mm by 2.44 mm, and it may be part of a burned
glass bead or several beads fused together.
Glass Ornaments
Pendant (Figure 31 j). Very few personal ornaments were found in
Cabin 3. A small pendant or portion of an earring was recovered from
Feature 2. It consists of a flat stamped circle with a pin projecting
from the edge into the open centre. From the pin, a scarlet-colored clay
ball or bead was suspended, but it has since disintegrated. On the outer
edge, opposite the pin, a small wire hasp or hook for suspension is
located. The face of the ornament is decorated with a series of randomly
spaced, raised dots, and the back is plain.
Glass Object (Figure 31 k). A second artifact, recovered from
Feature 3, consists of a globular black glass object wrapped around an
iron wire core. It may be part of an ornament or costume jewelry. It is
31.69 mm in length and has a diameter ranging from 6.61 mm to 3.94 mm.
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Discussion
Based on the archaeological sample, it is impossible to reconstruct
a completely accurate picture of the costume of those people who occupied
Cabin 3, owing to the poor state of preservation after an abandonment of
a century or more. However, during photo-archival research on material
contemporary with the Metis occupation of Buffalo Lake, the most striking
discovery was the large amount of European -manufactured clothing and
accessories worn. Typical of Victorian times, the women depicted in the
photographs generally wore dark colors: dresses, hats, or shawls, and in
some instances button-up leather shoes. Men were generally dressed in a
variety of headgear, with most wearing worn wool jackets, many with
matching vests with cloth-covered buttons. Woven trousers were the
rule. By far the most common method of holding up the trousers was the
woven "Assumption" sash, wrapped around the waist several times and
knotted at the hip with both tasseled ends sometimes hanging down almost
to the ground. Footwear was variable. In the same photograph, some men
would be wearing European or American style commercial leather boots
while others wore native-tanned moccasins. (See also the photograph of
Abraham Salois, a Buffalo Lake resident, and the Pritchard family on the
cover of this monograph. The photograph was taken around 1875.)
Comparing the photographs of Metis people in the 1870s to paintings
of Metis in the 1830s and 1940s, a very interesting contrast is
observed. In the paintings, by far the most common clothing is of
native-tanned leather, though styles may closely approximate European
tailored clothing. With a few exceptions, then, the transition from
native-tanned leather to woven fabrics was complete by the time the
Buffalo Lake site was occupied, and this change reflected the greater
availability of the latter types of goods through the trade. The Metis
at Buffalo Lake had become a very consumer-oriented group, purchasing not
only items relevant to the hunt, such as guns, ammunition, and knifes,
but processed and canned foods and tailored clothing.
The large variety of buttons found in Cabin 3 is certainly a
testimony to the variety of apparel worn by the occupants. On the other
hand, the large quantities of small beads may represent the decoration of
a small number of objects such as moccasins, gauntlets, or men's
garters. The small beads, at least, were not deemed valuable enough to
save for re-use, once the item they decorated was discarded. Beading of
footwear, gun cases, and other objects would most certainly have been one
of many activities carried on in the cabins over the winter.
There is little additional direct evidence of ornamentation from
Cabin 3, except that perhaps one of the female occupants wore commercial
earrings.
RELIGION
Religion played a dominant role in the lives of the people at
Buffalo Lake. In addition to the documentary evidence (see Chapters II
and III), there is artifactual evidence. The largest single artifact of
religious association would have been the Roman Catholic chapel, which
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also served as a school and residence for the various priests who came
out from St. Albert. The discovery of this structure and recovery of the
related artifacts is an archaeological problem for the future.
In Cabin 3, two artifacts of religious significance were recovered
from Feature 2.
Rosary (Figure 32 a). The first artifact is an incomplete rosary,
recovered in two main pieces. The first section, 198.37 mm in length,
consists of 23 pressed blue (7.5BG 6/6) glass beads, strung on a chain of
wound brass wire and representing a minimum of two complete "decades."
The beads are 5.35 mm in length and 4.10 mm in diameter, barrel shaped,
and tapering at the ends. They are decorated with encircling ribs,
oriented at right angles to the length of the bead. .
The second section of the same rosary retains part of two "decades,"
one of eight beads and one of one bead, a simple undecorated brass
crucifix, 18.81 mm by 11.27 mm by .26 mm, and an additional string of
blue beads marked by two single separate beads ("Our Father Beads") and a
group of three beads ("Hail Mary Beads"). Together they are 35.41 mm
long.
Medal (Figure 32 b). The second artifact is a religious medal. It
may be a scapular medal, but the example is too rusted to identify as to
type. In form, it is an oval disc, with a rounded extension on the top
from which it was suspended. It measures 19.13 mm in length, 13.73 mm in
width, and 1.23 mm in thickness.
NATIVE INDUSTRIES
Ceramics
Two thick, granite-tempered shoulder sherds (Figure 33 a) were
recovered from Feature 2. The exterior is undecorated, while the
interior is covered with a fairly thick (1.45 mm) layer of carbon,
presumably the remains of burned food. When fit together, the sherds
measure 42.03 mm by 33.65 mm by 13.60 mm.
Chipped Stone
Projectile Point Fragments (Figure 33 b-d). Portions of three
projectile points, all made from grey siltstone or porcellanite, were
recovered from Cabin 3. The first (Figure 33 b) is side-notched, with
part of the base and tip broken off. It measures 19.98 mm by 12.28 mm by
2.81 mm. Width between the notches is 8.19 mm. The second (Figure 33 c)
is a triangular projectile point with a broken tip. It measures 18.38 mm
in length by 12.38 mm across the base and is 3.97 mm thick. The third
example (Figure 33 d) is a projectile point tip, but not part of either
of the first two points. It measures 12.97 mm by 12.00 mm by 3.58 mm.
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End-Scrapers (Figure 33 e, f). Three end-scrapers were recovered.
The first (Figure 33 e), manufactured from a bipolar split pebble of
green chert, is 14.19 mm in length, 15.12 mm in width, and 3.71 mm in
thickness, with the width measurement taken parallel to the unifacially
retouched working edge. The second example, of grey chert, is steeply
unifacially retouched on two adjacent edges, which lie at right angles to
each other. It measures 14.67 mm by 27.31 mm by 4.50 mm. The first
example was found in Feature 2, while the second was recovered from
Feature 3. The third example (Figure 33 f), recovered from Feature 1,
was made on a bipolar split pebble. It measures 21.76 mm by 18.72 mm by
5.95 mm.
Retouched Flakes (Figure 33 g) . Three retouched flakes were found.
The first is bifacially retouched, made of yellow and red jasper, and
measures 24.72 mm by 12.64 mm by 4.84 mm. The second (Figure 33 g) is
unifacially retouched, made of reddish-brown quartzite, and measures
41.04 mm by 12.5 mm by 5.57 mm. The third retouched flake is made of
mottled grey chalcedony. It started as a biface resharpening flake, but
it was subsequently unifacially retouched along the inner flake-scar
surface that was formerly attached to the biface. Consequently, this
tool has one battered and dull edge, bifacially worked, and one sharp
unifacially worked edge. Triangular in cross-section, the third edge is
unmodified. The tool measures 25.48 mm by 12.22 mm by 6.29 mm and was
recovered from Feature 3. The first two examples were recovered from
Feature 2.
Utilized Flake (Figure 33 h). A single utilized flake of black
chert was recovered from Feature 2. It measures 20.56 mm by 14.18 mm by
6.46 mm.
Flakes . A total of 35 flakes were recovered from Cabin 3. These
were classified as follows:
(a) Primary Decortication Flakes. Four quartzite flakes are in this
category.
(b) Secondary Flakes. This category includes nine quartzite flakes,
one chalcedony flake, and one chert flake.
(c) Biface Resharpening Flakes Made by Percussion. This category
includes ten quartzite flakes, one mudstone flake, and one chalcedony
flake.
(d) Biface Resharpening Flakes Made by Pressure. This category
includes three quartzite flakes, two porcellanite flakes, and one
chalcedony flake.
In addition to the above, there was one chunk from a bipolar split
black chert pebble, which was unmodified.
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The distribution of the flakes recovered from Cabin 3 is as follows:
one flake (2.86%) was recovered from Feature 1, 23 flakes (65.71%) were
from Feature 2, 10 flakes (28.57%) were from Feature 3, and one flake
(2.86%) was recovered from the floor of the cabin interior along the
central portion of the east wall.
Discussion
It is quite possible that many of the lithic artifacts and the
ceramics found in Cabin 3 were left by a preceding late prehistoric
occupation, of which there were several in the area (Doll 1982). It
does, however, seem most unusual that such concentrations would be found
in the two depressions, Features 2 and 3, without a proportional
distribution in the rest of the cabin interior.
Some of the stone tools found would indeed have been useful in many
of the activities that took place around the site or within the cabin
itself, including the hunting of bison and the processing of skins for
robes. The association of a metal projectile point with Feature 2
establishes the fact that bow and arrow technology was known to the
occupants of Cabin 3.
The evidence for in-situ pressure-flaking of porcellanite, the same
material that all three stone projectile points were made from, suggests
the manufacture and use of these tools by the occupants of the cabin. It
should also be noted that the projectile points were very poorly made, a
characteristic that they share with the stone projectile points recovered
from the trash pits at three of the other cabins excavated.
Although it might be argued that projectile points found their way
into the trash pits because they were imbedded in the bodies of bison
killed by Metis with firearms, this argument does not account for the
larger array of tools and debitage associated in the same architectural
features .
The Buffalo Lake Metis site may, therefore, be a late manifestation
of the classic but illusive "protohi storic , " marked by a mixed assemblage
of historically manufactured European goods and prehistorically
manufactured "native" goods. This protohistoric , however, would be
expected to date from before the middle of the eighteenth century rather
than from the last quarter of the nineteenth century.
FAUNAL MATERIALS FROM CABIN 3
The recovery of faunal remains from Cabin 3 is selective in that
excavations were more or less confined to the cabin interior. The
majority were recovered from Features 2 and 3 (Figure 10), the two
interior depressions, from which the mammalian species identified include
bison (Bison bison bison) , moose (Alces alces) , beaver (Castor
canadensis) , muskrat (Ondatra zibethicus), snowshoe hare (Lepus
americanus) . pocket gopher (Thomomys talpoides), ground squirrel
(Citel lus sp.), deer mouse ( Peromyscus maniculatus) . meadow vole
(Microtus pennsyl vanicus) , and shrew (Sorex sp.).
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The identified bird remains include those of Snow Goose (Chen
caerulescens) , White-fronted Goose (Anser albif rons) , Mallard (Anas
platyrhynchos) , Pintail (Anas acuta), Gadwall (Anas strepera), Ruddy Duck
(Oxyura jamaicensis) , and Sharptail Grouse (Pediocetes phasianel 1 us) . In
addition, toad remains (family Bufonidae) and those of a undetermined
species of fish were recovered in excavation.
Most species appear to have been used as a source of food. There
are apparent intrusive species, however, notably small rodents,
microtines, and shrews. Toads by the hundreds were noted in the soft
soil of the cabin depression, especially late in the fall as they
prepared to winter over.
By weight, bison appears to have been the single most important
species to the cabin occupants (see Appendix II for a more thorough
discussion and analysis). However, an important observation is the
variety of species, so characteristic of the Parklands ecological zone.
Although bison was important commercially and as a dietary staple, a
diversity of species migrating through or wintering in the Parkland of
the Buffalo Lake region was also counted upon for food. This food source
(moose, small mammals, birds, and fish) provided a survival insurance
policy should the bison fail to appear (as they sometimes did). Bison
were preferred, but hares and muskrats would keep a household alive till
the next herd was sighted.
A final observation with regard to fish remains at Buffalo Lake must
be made. This food source appears to be highly under-represented in
Cabin 3 and probably in the site as a whole. Two factors may account for
the paucity of fish bones. Poor preservation may be one, but a more
likely factor might be the location of the fish processing area outside
or away from the cabin, with the result that few bones would have found
their way to the interior depressions. Historically, the exploitation of
fisheries by Metis of the Upper Saskatchewan is well documented. Not
only did the exploitation of fresh, frozen, or dried fish for domestic
food supply form part of the yearly round (for example at Lac Ste. Anne),
but it also formed a supplemental cash crop in the provisioning trade
with the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Edmonton. The traditional use of
fisheries by the same population (Lac Ste. Anne and St. Albert Metis)
might also suggest the extensive use of this resource at Buffalo Lake.
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CHAPTER V
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA, CABIN 1
THE RELATIONSHIP OF CABIN 1 AND CABIN 2
The two localities of the Buffalo Lake Metis site chosen for
excavation in 1970 and 1971 were near the northern end of the eastern
ridge segment described in Chapters I and IV (Figures 4, 5b). Cabin 1
lay approximately 190 feet (57.91 m) west and 60 feet (18.29 m) south of
the northeast corner of LSD 14, Section 11, Township 41, Range 20 west of
the Fourth Meridian. It was situated on a gradual slope near the foot of
the ridge, surrounded by a fairly thick growth of aspen ( Populus
tremuloides) .
Immediately to the north of this cabin site were two deep ruts
suggestive of a wagon road. However, these may have been much more
recent than the Metis occupation. Prior to excavation, the locality was
marked by a large rock pile and a depression, the latter associated with
additional scattered rocks. The depression, however, about 8.0 feet
(2.44 m) north-south by 5.0 feet (1.52 m) east-west, appeared to be
entirely the result of recent disturbance. Perhaps a second rock pile,
then, had been dug into and destroyed by unknown individuals.
Cabin 2 was located on the crest of the ridge, approximately 360
feet (109.73 m) west and 140 feet (42.67 m) south from the northeast
corner of LSD 14, Section 11 (Figures 4, 42 a). It was about 150 feet
(45.72) west-southwest of Cabin 1 and approximately seven feet (2.13 m)
higher in elevation. Trees in this locality were a little thinner than
at Cabin 1. To the west of this second cabin site, the land sloped down
for about 100 yards (91.44 m) to a shallow, reed-filled slough,
approximately 20 feet (6.10 m) below the elevation of the cabin (Figure
5 b). Prior to excavation, Cabin 2 was marked by three depressions and a
rock pile. Some disturbance had taken place in this locality as well.
EXCAVATIONS AT CABINS 1 AND 2
In 1970, Cabin sites 1 and 2 were chosen for excavation partly for
reasons of salvage, because they were relatively accessible and exposed,
and because considerable disturbance appeared already to have taken
place. It was felt that the cabin sites in the denser portion of the
bush or farther from roads or cattle trails would be more likely to
escape further depredation. In addition, surface features defined the
probable areas of structure at Cabin 1 and 2 somewhat more clearly than,
for example, in the group of depressions and rock piles immediately to
the south of Cabin 2 (Figure 4). Figure 34 a shows the locality of Cabin
1 and Figure 42 a shows the locality of Cabin 2.
An excavation grid consisting of stakes set at five-foot (1.52 m)
intervals was set in each of the two selected localities and expanded as
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required. Both grids were set to an arbitrary north, which differed,
however, in the two cases. The arbitrary north at Cabin 1 was oriented
approximately 67 degrees west of magnetic north, or approximately 44
degrees west of true north. The arbitrary north at Cabin 2 was oriented
approximately 37 degrees west of magnetic north or approximately 14
degrees west of true north. Following excavation, the two grids were
plotted on squared paper, and set in their proper orientation with
respect to one another.
Excavation was begun with shovel to remove the fairly heavy turf,
and subsequently with mason's pointing trowel and dustpan. Particularly
during the second season, and in subsequent work, shovels were largely
abandoned, since the faint structural remains sometimes proved to run
into the turf, and some may even have been destroyed during earlier
stages of the work.
A large proportion of the earth was removed in buckets and screened
through approximately one-quarter inch (6.35 mm) wire mesh. Since a very
small return of beads and shot was indicated, no finer-mesh bead screens
were systematically employed until the excavation of the refuse pit in
1973. All recoverable bone was saved in bags of associated materials.
Plans were drawn of all localities where structural remains were
observed. Photography was attempted throughout, but was inhibited by the
faint nature of the structural evidence, and the difficulties produced by
strong shadows and numerous roots. On the whole, drawings provided a
more useful record. Profile drawings were made occasionally, but
generally the shallowness of the excavation reduced their value.
The attempt was made throughout to define overall structures and the
general limits of living areas, and consequently depressions and
fireplaces were not as intensively investigated as they might have been.
After excavation and recording were completed, the site was backfilled.
Three pipes surrounded by concrete were set at intervals within each of
the two grids in order that they might be re-established.
In 1970, excavations began on July 14 and continued until August 28,
with a crew of four to five. In 1971, excavations began on August 17 and
continued until September 3, with a crew varying from two to five. In
1973, on August 29 and 30, and again from September 10 to 14, two to
three individuals completed excavation of the refuse pit in Cabin 2.
Finally, from July 16 to 19, 1974, a crew of four to five made the plat
map of the site (later revised) that includes the locations of Cabins 1
and 2 (Figure 4) .
THE FEATURES OF CABIN 1
The Wall Lines
Cabin 1 was located on very slightly sloping ground to the east of
the higher portion of the ridge along which much of the Buffalo Lake
Metis site is oriented (Figure 34 a, b). Excavations here revealed an
elongated cabin plan with the shorter axis oriented approximately 58
degrees west of magnetic north or 35 degrees west of true north. The
overall dimensions of this structure were about 30 feet (9.14 m) along
the long axis and about 13 feet (3.96 m) along the short axis (Figure 35).
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Wall lines were generally poorly preserved, reduced to a very thin
layer of rotted timber or indicated only by a slight trench or mould
between two ridges of very light brown clay (Figure 36 a, b). The latter
might have been derived from mud-plaster chinking or whitewash, dissolved
from the walls by rain and deposited along the building sills.
Alternately, it might have been introduced as foundation material for the
sills or banking along the outer walls. Its apparent extension some
distance to the north of Cabin 1 suggests rather that it was at this
point a natural fill, into which the sill logs were set.
Cabin 1 appeared to have been built entirely on wall sills, since no
evidence of posts-in-ground was found. However, timber was not preserved
throughout much of the wall area, and posts might very well have
occurred. Nor were there any indications of doors, but these would
probably not have resulted in gaps in the sill logs or the depressions
underneath them.
Evidence of overlapping logs, suggesting an untrimmed log-cabin
corner, appeared in the northeast corner (Figure 37 a). (Directions in
this description are given with respect to the grid and arbitary north.)
One log protruded about 6.0 inches (15.24 cm). However, since this was
the sill log, perhaps nearly below ground, there is no proof that the
corners of the superstructure were not trimmed.
The other corners of Cabin 1 were extrapolated from wall lines.
From the single preserved corner mould, wall timbers could be fairly
easily followed for about 5.5 feet (1.68 m) to the west and 4.5 feet
(1.37 m) to the south. Elsewhere, the north and east walls were only
vaguely defined. Four short sections of poorly preserved timber occurred
along the south wall, and elsewhere along this line the ridge and trench
combination appeared sporadically. The west wall was defined almost
entirely on the basis of this shallow trench running between two low clay
ridges .
As interpreted here, building corners would have been located as
follows: northeast at 0.3 south, 27.8 east; southeast at 13.4 south, 26.3
east; northwest at 4.1 north, 1.3 west; and southwest at 8.4 south, 3.4
west (Figure 35). (Note that grid locations are given in feet only.)
Dimensions of the sill timbers were virtually impossible to
determine accurately because of extensive deterioration, but width of the
relatively continuous section ranged between about 0.25 feet (7.62 cm)
and 0.5 feet (15.24 cm). Given the present vegetation of the area, we
might guess that the sill was made of aspen, which would account for its
poor preservation. However, no positive indenti f ication was made.
The length of the rectangle enclosed by the walls indicated (Figure
35) seems rather great for a single room. Therefore, it was hypothesized
that two contiguous cabins were represented, one possibly a later
extension of the other, or that a partition had occurred to form two
rooms in a single cabin. Assuming that ordinary log cabin contruction
technique was employed, rather than post-in-ground or post-on-sill
methods, and considering the probable size of aspen logs, the former
hypothesis is perhaps more likely. To some extent this suggestion would
be supported by the contemporary account of Metis cabin-building provided
by Jean D'Artigue and quoted in Chapter III, pages 65-66.
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A second line of evidence for two rooms or cabins was the possible
original occurrence of two rock concentrations within the wall lines.
The first of these rock piles formed a relatively well-defined fireplace
in the southwestern portion or the structure. The second concentration
was much less clearly defined and consisted of scattered rocks, slightly
east of centre, to the south of a recent pothole. Although this second
concentration could have been derived from the first one, it seems
possible that it constituted a separate fireplace, originally situated
where the pothole now occurs.
In 1971, an attempt was made to locate the partition. It was
hypothesized that it might lie along the short axis and in the middle of
the structure. Unfortunately, the northern part of this median line had
been disturbed by the pothole, and the southern part was excavated in
1970 before the shallowness of the deposits was realized. Thus faint
indications might have been removed.
About 0.5 feet (15.24 cm) north of the projected south wall line,
however, and at nearly the exact midpoint on this line, a small piece of
timber was encountered with grain apparently oriented north-south.
Dimensions of the timber were approximately 0.7 feet (21.34 cm) east-west
by 0.2 feet (6.10 cm) north-south. Its centre lay in the grid at 9.6
south, 12.2 east (Figure 35). Although very slight evidence, the
coincidence of location and orientation suggests that a partition or wall
might indeed have existed here.
Two additional factors might corroborate the existence of a
partition or wall at this point. If such a partition were to be placed
in an elongated structure having a length about twice its width, and if
no other considerations applied, it might seem reasonable that it would
be placed at centre to divide the structure into two equal parts. If two
essentially separate structures were involved, this wall placement would
also be appropriate to the likely size of locally available logs.
Secondly, other evidence from Buffalo Lake indicates the centring of
fireplaces along one wall. If the partition or wall occurred as
proposed, the fireplace would be approximately centred on the south wall
of the resulting room.
Although some burnt wood was observed along the wall lines of Cabin
1, evidence for fire was not overwhelming. However, even if
superstructures had burned in one of the fires reported for the region
around the turn of the century, the nearly buried sill timbers might have
been little affected. Certainly some burned chinking was observed,
particularly in the southwest corner of the building.
Feature 1, The Fireplace
The most conspicuous feature in Cabin 1 was the large rock pile in
the western unit of the structure or structures (Figures 35, 37 b). The
precise size and orientation of the fireplace represented was uncertain
owing to scattering of the stone, probably through the initial collapse
of the chimney and perhaps subsequent removals. A west and south edge
could be approximately located, but limits on the east and north were not
clearly defined. However, approximate overall dimensions of 6.0 feet
(1.83 m) east-west and 4.0 feet (1.22 m) north-south were suggested, very
close to the size of the fireplace in Cabin 3.
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The occurrence of hard -pa eked earth to the north suggested an apron
in front of the firebox. This, and the position of the stone structure
as a whole, would indicate orientation to the north. If the suggested
partition existed, the fireplace would have been located in the
approximate middle of the west room, and close to the south wall, but not
apparently in contact with it. The outer limits of the fireplace, then,
appeared to lie approximately 5.0 feet (1.52 m) east of the west wall of
the cabin and 1.0 foot (30.48 cm) north of the south wall.
A considerable amount of ashy fill was found within the stone
structure, but no firebox or hearth apron was precisely delimited. The
relatively small quantity of stones remaining here, and the limited size
of stone piles throughout the site, suggests that only the bases of
chimneys were made of stone. Upperworks might have been poles and mud or
even sheet-metal pipe. Similar conclusions regarding wood and mud
plaster superstructures have been reached with respect to fireplaces
excavated in some (but not all) fur trade sites. Hearth-chimneys
described by Elliott (1971:24, 25, 27) for the Kajewski site in the
Cypress Hills were made of clay framed with poles, and they occurred in a
corner or centred on one wall of the room. Bonnichsen (1967:4), however,
describes a fireplace at the same site made of cobbles and mud, with a
firepan of baked clay in front of the hearth.
Stone piles, however, may sometimes have been pirated long after
sites were abandoned, though this would be less likely at Buffalo Lake,
where sub-angular granitic cobbles of the type used in the fireplace are
fairly abundant along the nearby lake shores.
The existence of a second fireplace in Cabin 1 has been suggested,
but no data are available on it owing to the recent disturbance indicated.
No depressions were recorded within Cabin 1, although one was
observed in the bush a few yards to the north. This might have been a
borrow-pit or, on analogy with Cabin 5, for example, an external storage
pit.
Feature 2, The Ash Concentration
Just to the south and west of the mid-point noted above, and outside
the south wall line of Cabin 1, was a large ash concentration,
particularly rich in artifacts (Figure 35 A-B, Plan and Profile). This
ash concentration appears to have begun as a very shallow pit, but
eventually to have been built up slightly above the surrounding ground
surface. The concentration was approximately round, but with an
irregular projection to the west. Although edges were difficult to
define, the overall dimensions would appear to have been approximately
4.0 feet (1.22 m) east-west and 3.5 feet (1.07 m) north-south. The
maximum thickness of the ash was approximately 0.5 feet (15.24 cm).
If the suggested partition existed, this ash concentration would
have lain just outside the southeastern corner of the west room of the
cabin. The eastern edge of the fireplace in this room, then, would have
lain about five feet west of the centre of the ash concentration. Space
would have been provided for a door in the south wall, through which the
ashes could have been carried from the fireplace. Alternately, a window
could have been set near the southeast corner of the room, although ash
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disposal through a window would seen unlikely. Of course ashes could
easily have been carried around to the back of the cabin for dumping, and
the relationship of features suggested here is highly speculative.
THE ARTIFACTS OF CABIN 1
Method of Analysis
The method of analysis used on this and subsequent artifact lots
from the site has already been described in the discussion of Cabin 3,
Chapter III. See also Table 11, Appendix III for complete measurements
and distributions.
HUNTING
Ammunition and Ignition Parts
Rimfire Cartridge Case (Figure 38 a). A single copper rim-fire
cartridge case was recovered, somewhat dissociated from both Cabin 1 and
Cabin 2, having been found on the trail between them, but perhaps closer
to Cabin 1. The case is 23.4 mm long and 13.6 mm in diameter at the
closed end. The latter dimension is somewhat distorted by crushing and
was probably originally slightly less. The head measurement, below the
headstrap is 13.3 mm (again distorted by crushing). The headstrap is
approximately 1.9 mm thick. The letter "H", 3.1 mm high in a circle 6.3
mm in diameter, is stamped in relief at the primer end. The shell is
double rimfire, with short, straight lines on opposite sides of the rim
marking the impression of the firing pins.
This appears to be a .44 calibre Henry flat cartridge, used
originally in the twelve-shot repeating Henry rifle, forerunner of the
Winchester (Logan 1959:68). It is similar to the two examples recovered
from Cabin 3. These cartridges were manufactured in large quantities at
least between 1860 and 1866, and were used in the 1866 model Winchester
as well. Both firearms had a double firing pin to prevent misfire.
Percussion Cap (Figure 38 b). A single unfired copper percussion
cap for a cap-and-ball firearm was recovered, suggesting that this type
of gun, perhaps a percussion shotgun or plains rifle, was in use for at
least part of the occupation of this portion of the the site. The
general range of firearms in use at Buffalo Lake is fully discussed in
Chapter IV and elsewhere. The cap is 6.3 mm long and slightly tapering
from the open end, 5.3 mm in diameter, to a closed and rounded end about
5.0 mm in diameter. Straight longi tudional corrugations run from open to
closed end all around the outside of the cap.
Cap Box Lid (Figure 38 c). A round lid is provisionally identified
as the top of a box used to contain percussion caps. It is made of
tin-plated ferrous metal, heavily rusted in areas, and has a diameter of
40.7 mm. The original thickness of the metal is hard to determine owing
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to corrosion, but it appears to have been about 0.6 mm. The rim is
plain, bent down at right angles to the top, and is about 5.9 mm deep.
There might have been some stamping on top of this lid, but none is clear
at the present time. A comparable example found in Cabin 5, however, may
have been made by Ely Brothers of London (see page 85).
CONSTRUCTION, BLACKSMITHING. AND CRAFTS
No direct evidence of blacksmi thing was observed at the Buffalo Lake
Metis site, although it seems highly probable that among the numerous
occupants blacksmiths were present at some times. Construction hardware
in Cabin 1 was essentially limited to nails, mostly of the machine-cut
variety, but with a few hand-forged examples as well.
Forged Iron Nails
Classification of nails according to head -type is provisional in
some cases, owing to extensive alteration of the head through driving.
Because of corrosion and fragmentation, even the distinction of forged
and cut examples is by no means precise in all cases.
Rose-Head Forged Nails (Figure 38 d). Rose-head nails are
characterized by a crown high in the centre, formed generally by four
facets produced by the heading hammer. Six examples are included in this
category, but two of these are somewhat guestionable, since the facets
have been reduced by pounding. Two others are possibly cut rather than
forged. Four tips remaining are fairly sharp. Complete measurements
were taken on four examples and gave lengths of 43.9 mm to 62.1 mm,
widths of 3.7 mm to 4.2 mm, and thicknesses of 3.2 mm to 3.9 mm.
Measurements obtained on heads were: length 5.1 mm to 9.6 mm, width 3.7
mm to 8.4 mm, and thickness 1.6 mm to 3.9 mm. Shaft measurements on the
two fragments were: widths 4.4 mm and 4.4 mm, and thicknesses 4.3 mm and
3.5 mm. Head measurements were: lengths 9.0 mm and 9.4 mm, widths 7.3 mm
and 8.6 mm, and thicknesses 2.0 mm and 3.1 mm.
Rose-head nails were probably used for general -purpose carpentry.
Of the present group, two are straight; one has about a 45 degree bend
near the middle; and another curves gradually throughout the distal half
for a total of about 90 degrees. One fragment, possibly cut, has a 90
degree bend near the fracture, perhaps originally about two-thirds of the
distance from head to tip. The second, also possibly cut fragment has
what may be a comparable bend, perhaps one-guarter of the original
distance from head to tip. Both of these fragmentary examples may have
been clinched.
Gable-Head Forged Nail (Figure 38 e). Gable-head nails or clasp
nails were used for particular purposes where it was desired to conceal
the head, for example in flooring. They are characterized by a crown
high in the centre, but with generally only two distinct facets, so that
the head is essentially T-shaped. The bars of this "T" are bent
downward, so that the head of the nail would dig into the wood, or would
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"clasp," on being driven. Only one forged example was recovered from
Cabin 1. Length is ca. 70.0 mm, width of shank is 4.3 mm, and thickness
of shank is 3.8 mm. The head is 6.8 mm long, 3.6 mm wide, and 1.8 mm
thick. The nail has a nearly right-angle bend, apparently a clinch,
approximately three-fourths of the distance from head to tip and a second
very slight bend in a perpendicular direction at about the middle.
L or T-Head Forged Nail (Figure 38 f). A single example is badly
rusted, and part of the head may be broken off. However, in its present
form it resembles a brad or L-headed nail. Length is 59.2 mm, width of
shank 4.9 mm, and thickness of shank 4.5 mm. The present head is 9.4 mm
long, 5.7 mm wide, and 2.6 mm thick. The nail shows slight curvature
throughout its length. The tip has probably been sharp, but is now
slightly splintered.
Flat-Head Forged Nails (Figure 38 g) . Two diminutive examples
(tacks) appear to have flat heads, although again they may be flattened
by pounding. Lengths are 18.1 mm and 26.7 mm, widths 2.5 mm and 2.5 mm,
and thicknesses 2.0 mm and 1.9 mm. Both shanks are straight. One point
is sharp and the other may have been flat, though it may be simply
rusted. Heads are 5.2 mm and 7.9 mm long, 4.4 mm and 7.2 mm wide, and
0.8 mm and 1.9 mm thick.
Forged Nail Fragments (Figure 38 h, i). Six fragments of forged
nails are missing the head, and therefore cannot be further classified.
Five of these are tip fragments, four with sharp tips (Figure 38 h). The
largest shaft measurements obtained on this group are 5.3 mm by 5.2 mm.
One example (Figure 38 i) has a flat expanding tip, the only example of
this tip form clearly encountered in the Cabin 1 nail sample. Maximum
shaft measurements are 4.8 mm by 4.8 mm. Finally, one medial fragment
has a maximum shaft diameter of 6.4 mm by 4.6 mm.
Forged or Cut Iron Nails.
Three nails (Figure 38 j) are at least provisionally placed in this
indeterminate category. All are generally small (tacks) with rounded or
modified (in two cases at least, rusted) shafts, and flattened, battered
heads . One example is essentially straight and complete, with a length
of 18.9 mm, shaft width 2.8 mm, and shaft thickness of 2.8 mm. The heads
of two examples were 7.1 mm and 7.9 mm, by 6.6 mm and 7.1 mm, by 1.8 mm
and 1.5 mm.
Machine-Cut Iron Nails
The category of machine-cut nails formed substantially the largest
group at Cabin 1 and at the Buffalo Lake Metis site as a whole. This is
not surprising, since machine nail manufacture had begun almost 100 years
before the date of occupation.
Within the cut nail group a further division may be made between
those nails with hand-formed heads (largely the rose-head and gable-head
forms below) and those with machine-formed heads (largely the flat-head
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variety). This division is not invariably clear because of
head-battering through use. However, cut nails with hand-made heads in a
sense constitute a transitional group between the hand-forged and the
machine-made nail categories.
Rose-Head Cut Nails (Figure 38 k). Two examples are machine-made
nails with hand-made heads that approximate the rose or four -facetted
type. One of these is a virtually complete nail with a bend of
approximately 70 degrees near the middle, and it has probably been
clinched. It is 37.6 mm long and the shaft is 3.4 mm wide and 3.2 mm
thick. The head is 6.0 mm long, 5.7 mm. wide, and 2.1 mm thick. A
second example is slightly fragmentary at the tip and has a slight bend
approximately one-third of the distance from head to present tip. Its
present length is 40.8 mm, with shaft 3.8 mm wide and 2.9 mm. thick. The
head is 6.4 mm long, 6.4 mm wide, and 2.9 mm thick. The point on the
complete example, as on most cut nails, is squared and fairly blunt.
Gable-Head Cut Nails (Figure 38 1). Seven nails were provisionally
placed in this head category. However, only two of these examples are
highly typical, the remaining five having an essentially T-shaped,
two-facetted head, but without the sharp penetrating edges designed to
dig into the wood.
Four of the gable-head nails are probably close to complete,
although two may have slight fragmentation at the tip. None of these are
of the more typical group. Measurements obtained from the four examples
are: length 48.8 mm to 66.5 mm, width of shank 4.0 mm. to 5.5 mm, and
thickness of shank 3.2 mm to 5.3 mm. Heads are 6.5 mm to 9.9 mm long,
4.5 mm to 6.3 mm wide, and 1.9 mm to 3.2 mm thick. The two typical
gable-head examples are both fragmentary, but the maximum length obtained
was 57.6 mm. Shank measurement are 4.3 mm and 4.8 mm, by 3.6 mm and 3.7
mm, and head measurements are 7.6 mm and 8.3 mm, by 5.7 mm and 4.2 mm, by
3.7 mm and 4.2 mm. The third fragment has shaft measurements of 5.3 mm
by 5.0 mm, and head measurements of 9.9 mm by 6.9 mm by 3.5 mm.
Flat-Head Cut Nails. This category subsumes several variations, but
basically includes all those examples (with one exception) that appear to
have machine-made heads. In some cases, the form of the head is
difficult to determine owing to pounding or rusting. Two main
sub-categories of this nail group were distinguished, based primarily on
the inferred orientation of the clamp or vise used in the nail-heading
procedure. A third category comprises nails that exhibit a distinct
rounding of the shank, which makes this orientation difficult or
impossible to determine. This third group may also exhibit considerable
battering or rounding of the head, and in some cases the head may indeed
have been hand-forged rather than machine-formed.
Group 1 (Figure 38 m, n). Nine virtually complete and one
fragmentary examples fall within this category. The group is
distinguished by the orientation of the vise or clamp used in the heading
procedure. In these examples, the pressure used to hold the nail was
exerted from two opposite sides in a direction equivalent to the plane of
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the metal sheet from which the nails were cut (i.e. on the cut sides).
This procedure has produced a generally rectangular rather than square
head. When the nail is laid on the broader surface of the shaft (so that
the taper is evident), a pinching of this shaft appears just below the
head. A few examples also show a "bevelling or rounding" of the shaft
below the head. Tips are generally squared or slightly blunted.
Size ranges for the nearly complete examples are: length 20.8 mm to
65.0 mm, width of shank 2.1 mm to 4.6 mm, thickness of shank 1.8 mm to
4.2 mm. Head measurements are: length 3.4 mm to 7.7 mm, width 2.8 mm to
7.3 mm, and thickness 0.5 mm to 2.8 mm. The shaft measurements of the
fragment are: width 4.2 mm and thickness 3.4 mm. The head is 7.7 mm by
5.1 mm by 3.0 mm. Of the complete examples, three nails show slight
bends, one to about 30 degrees and one very small example to 45 degrees.
None appears to have been clinched.
Group 2 (Figure 38 o, p) . The second group of flat-headed, cut
nails is generally similar to the first group, all examples again
presumably having machine-made heads. These nails differ, however, in
the orientation of the clamp or vise used in the heading procedure. The
direction of force lies at right angles to the plane of the metal sheet
from which the nails were cut (i.e. on the uncut sides). When the nail
is laid on the broader surface of the shaft, this shaft expands towards
the head. Generally the head tends towards the square rather than the
rectangular. A total of seven virtually complete examples and thirteen
fragments is included in this category. Ranges of size within the
complete group are: length 37.5 mm to 70.0 mm, width of shaft 3.2 mm to
5.2 mm, and thickness of shaft 2.2 mm to 3.4 mm. Head measurements are:
length 5.4 mm to 8.6 mm, width 3.7 mm to 7.9 mm, and thickness 2.2 mm to
2.5 mm. Width range of the fragments is 3.4 mm to 5.7 mm, and thickness
range 2.2 mm to 3.9 mm. Head measurements are: 5.8 mm to 8.6 mm by 3.4
mm to 7.9 mm by 1.0 mm to 3.3 mm.
Modification to the shanks of nails is apparent in a number of
cases. Two examples show a slight and one an extreme (ca. 90 degree)
curvature throughout their length, possibly the result of drawing. One
has approximately a 20 degree bend, and a crack about one-third the
distance from head to tip. This bend is fairly abrupt, and might be the
result of clinching and then drawing the nail. One example is clearly
clinched at approximate centre.
Group 3 (Figure 38 q, r) . The third group of flat-headed cut nails
includes those examples that are generally indeterminate as to the
orientation of the heading clamp or vise. The shaft tends to be rounded,
and the head tends to be battered and also rounded. A total of five
nails are provisionally placed in this category, three of them
essentially complete and two fragmentary. All are quite small. Ranges
within the three complete examples are as follows: length 17.5 mm to 31.9
mm, width of shank 2.6 mm to 3.2 mm, and thickness of shank 1.9 mm to 2.9
mm. Head length is 5.7 mm to 8.1 mm, width 5.0 mm to 7.4 mm, and
thickness 1.0 mm to 1.4 mm. Shaft widths of the fragments are 3.2 mm and
3.6 mm, and thicknesses 2.9 mm and 3.1 mm. Head lengths are 7.7 mm and
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8.1 mm, widths are 7.1 mm and 7.4 mm, and thicknesses 1.2 mm and 1.3 mm.
Modification of these nails includes two cases of slight bending or
twisting from approximate middle, probably not clinching, and one case of
a sharp bend about three-quarters of the distance from the head to the
tip. This second modification probably represents a clinch.
Cut Nail Fragment with Pounded End (Figure 38 s). The head of one
cut nail fragment has apparently been removed, and the shaft subsequently
pounded into the wood, since a portion of the thinned shaft has been bent
over and flattened, forming what appears to be a new head. Length is
35.7 mm, width of shank 3.3 mm, and thickness of shank 2.2 mm. Head is
4.4 mm, by 3.7 mm, by 1.0 mm. The example is slightly bent throughout as
though from drawing.
Cut Nail Fragments. In addition to the fragmentary nails described
within various of the above categories, many were recovered that can only
be classified as cut nails. Seventeen of these may be tip fragments,
most quite flattened at the distal end, and five are apparently medial
fragments. One of the latter group is distinctly rounded and has a bend
that might be the result of a clinch. Four tips show distinct bending,
and three at least may have been clinched, but two of these are broken
near that point. Shafts generally seem to fall within the range of
complete or classifiable examples, and consequently no measurements are
given here (See Table 11, Appendix III, however). One unusually large
shaft, however, is 7.4 mm wide and 5.2 mm thick.
Unidentified Fragments. Three additional unclassif iable fragments
might be nails, although they could have had other functions. One of
these has a chisel-like tip.
Miscellaneous Hardware
Iron Wire (Figure 38 t). One example of ferrous metal wire was
recovered. The wire is 4.0 mm in diameter and has been bent into a
V-shaped form, so that only an approximate length of more than 61.7 mm
was obtained. The ends are somewhat facetted and bruised and may have
been cut.
HOUSEHOLD. BUSINESS. AND PERSONAL MAINTENANCE
Earthenwa re
All of the ceramics from Cabin 1 appear to be earthenware rather
than stoneware or porcelain. Decorated examples are patterned either by
transfer-printing or occasionally stamping or painting, all apparently
underglaze. Vessels represented appear to be large cups and/or small
bowls along with plates or saucers. Unfortunately, no makers' marks were
found on any of the sherds, but many appear to be from the Copeland
factories in Stoke-on-Trent, Staffordshire, Great Britain. No complete
or nearly complete vessels were recovered. For a general typological
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discussion of ceramics, and a much larger range of vessel forms and
patterns, the reader should refer back to Chapter IV. In the present
section, because of the smaller number of examples, sherds are described
by pattern rather than reconstructed vessel form.
Plain White Glazed Earthenware.
One relatively large fragment, made up of a rim and body sherd, and
three additional body sherds of white undecorated earthenware were
recovered (Figure 39 a). The rim and body sherd suggest a small bowl or
large cup with an outside rim diameter of about 90.0 mm and a height of
greater than 70.0 mm. The maximum thickness of the body on this example
is 6.3 mm; the minimum thickness throughout the sample as a whole is
about 2.9 mm. The rim is slightly thinned from the inside to an
approximate thickness of 4.0 mm (measurement taken just below actual
rim). It is slightly flaring. The body expands outwards towards the
base, which is missing. The three dissociated sherds show a similar
curvature, but have a somewhat brighter white glaze. All examples have
crazed surfaces.
Monochrome Underglaze Transfer-Printed Ware.
Copeland Earthenware with Blue Geometric "Turco" Pattern (Figure 39
b) . Two relatively large rim fragments are made up of two and four main
sherds respectively, along with some chips. In addition, one related rim
and one body sherds were recovered. The vessel represented appears to
have been a cup or small bowl, with sides tending to be straight but
rounding off towards the bottom. Depth was at least 70.0 mm, but
probably not much greater. The rim is slightly enlarged, slightly
flaring, and rounded. The reconstructed outer diameter of this rim is
about 107.0 mm. Thickness of vessel walls throughout the sample range
between 3.0 mm and 3.4 mm and thickness of rim between 3.4 mm and 3.6 mm.
The pattern on this vessel consists of a Copeland transfer-printed
underglaze geometric design named "Turco," with an earliest pattern
number of D 4365, and dates ranging between 1865 and after 1882 (Sussman
1979a:222, Figure 234). The design occurs on both the outside and inside
of the vessel. Color of the decoration in the Munsell scale is 2.5PB 6/8
(purple-blue) .
On the outside, the design zone as a whole is a composite band 19.0
mm wide, running around the circumference just below the rim. This
composite band is made up of three narrow bands composed as follows from
top to bottom: (1) alternating white and blue dovetail figures in a band
about 5.5 mm wide; (2) interlocking S-shaped figures in a band about 17.5
mm wide; and (3) dots within a linear band about 2.5 mm wide.
Ornamentation on the inside consists of a single band the same as number
1 above.
Copeland Earthenware with Blue "Grapevine" Pattern (Figure 39 c,
d). One rim sherd, three body sherds, and one chip with glaze on only
one surface were recovered. Sherds are too small to give a clear
indication of the nature of the vessel or its size. Thickness range for
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vessel body throughout the sample, however, is 2.8 mm to 5.0 mm. The
slightly thinned rim is rounded but not flaring. A measurement taken
just below this rim gave a value of 3.2 mm. The design is a
transfer-printing of grapevines and appears on both outside and inside.
However, leaves only may occur on the outside, leaves and grapes on the
inside. Individual fruit in the clusters are light colored and measure
about 6.0 mm in diameter. Color is 5PB 6/10. Sussman ( 1 979a : 237) dates
this ware at later than 1847, but an "offical" name or pattern number is
unknown.
Copeland Earthenware Plate with Blue Transfer-Printed "Beverly"
Pattern (Figure 39 e, f). Two rim and body fragments and one body
fragment were assembled from twelve original sherds. Together, these may
represent parts of a single plate with a weak ring base and a two stage
outcurving cross-section. The rim is slightly thinned with shallow
crenations, alternating long (about 31.0 mm) and short (about 25.0 mm).
This rim averages about 4.0 mm thick, whereas body thickness throughout
the sample as a whole ranges between 3.5 mm and 5.8 mm. The ring base is
nearly 7.0 mm wide and about 1.0 mm high. Its reconstructed overall
diameter would have been about 102.0 mm, and measurements from its margin
to the rim suggest a plate diameter of about 205.0 mm.
The pattern occurs only on the inside of the plate and consists of a
complex, transfer-printed design including leaves, flowers, scroll-work,
and a bird. Along the rim is a chequered band about 3.0 mm wide, with
alternating blue and white rectangles in two staggered rows. Color of
the design is 7.5PB 4/8. This is the "Beverly" pattern manufactured by
Copeland and Garret and W.T. Copeland, and dating between 1832 and the
twentieth century. The earliest pattern number is 5136 (Sussman
1979a:56, Figure 56).
Earthenware with "Flowed" Blue Transfer-Printed Pattern (Figure 40
a). Two body sherds, one of which is split, and one chip were
recovered. A similar rim sherd from Cabin 2 suggests a rather large cup
or small bowl, but the present fragments are too small for meaningful
reconstruction of diameter. Body thickness appears to range between
about 3.6 mm and 4.2 mm.
The pattern apparently occurs on the inside of the vessel and
consists of a variety of stem, leaf, and flower designs in dark blue,
shading through a lighter blue into a very light blue background. This
pattern appears to be B 772, manufactured by Copeland from approximately
1839 to after 1882 (Sussman 1979a:65, 66, Figures 65, 66). The color
registers approximately 7.5PB 2/10. These sherds are probably the same
as an underglaze design group from Cabin 2.
Polychrome Underglaze Sponge-Stamped Ware
"Portneuf" Earthenware with Brown and Green Flower Pattern (Figure
40 b). A single rim sherd provides a fairly substantial portion of the
cross-section of a large cup or small bowl. The outside diameter at the
lip appears to have been about 96.0 mm. Body thickness ranges between
2.9 mm and 3.8 mm. In section, the rim is nearly straight on the inside
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and rounded from the outside, but no flaring is indicated. It is 3.1 mm
to 3.4 mm thick. Below -this rim, the sides contract slightly for about
48.0 mm, then expand, and then presumably contract again to the base.
This enlargement near the base must have produced a somewhat bulbar or
pear-shaped vessel.
The pattern is produced by sponge-stamping and painting, and it
consists first of all of a single green painted band on both inside and
outside, 2.0 mm to 2.5 mm wide, and running nearly 2.0 mm below the rim.
On the outside of the vessel, the main pattern consists of stamped brown
flowers (2.5YR 3/8) about 20.0 mm in diameter, and dark green leaves
about 26.0 mm long (10G 3/4), resembling the "Rosette" pattern of
Portneuf pottery.
An alternative, possibly more likely, source in terms of trade
patterns, however, would be the eastern United States (see Chapter IV,
page 96).
Sponge-printing made use of the "root" of the sponge, which was
firmer and closer-textured than the remainder. This was cut to the
desired pattern and used as a stamp dipped in color. The stamped vessel
was subsequently glazed and fired (Finlayson 1972:54).
This sherd was found somewhat outside the confines of Cabin 1, and
might have been dissociated from this household.
Polychrome Underglaze Painted Ware
Earthenware with Pink, Green, and Purple Leaf-and-Flower Design
(Figure 40 c). Three sherds probably represent a plate, bowl, or
saucer. Two of these sherds retain portions of the ring base and the
third has the suggestion of curvature to this base. No rim sherds were
recovered, so that the size of the vessel cannot be projected
accurately. The curvature of the ring base, however, suggests that it
was originally about 96.0 mm in outer diameter, so that the vessel as a
whole would probably have been substantially larger. Thickness of the
body sherds exclusive of this base ranges between 3.3 mm and 4.0 mm. the
ring itself is approximately 5.0 mm wide and 2.0 mm high.
The pattern again appears to be underglaze, but with firmer outlines
than that on the Portneuf pottery above. It is probably painted, but
possibly stamped. It consists of broad, pink petals (7.5R 7/4), long,
curving, medium green leaves (7.5GY 7/6), and purple flowers or other
figures (7.5P 3/4). Surfaces are slightly crazed. All figures
represented are apparently on the inside of the vessel. No specific
pattern name or identification has been found for these examples, but
fairly similar painted wares occurred at Fort Walsh (1875-1883) in the
Cypress Hills (Hamilton 1979:29, 30, 32, Figure 47).
Glassware
Green Glass Bottle Fragment (Figure 40 d). Two sherds were joined
to form part of the bottom of a small green rectanguloid glass bottle,
probably a medicine bottle. Thickness of the bottle, the one obtainable
dimension, is 25.4 mm. A minimum figure for height of 31.6 mm and for
width of 27.0 mm were also obtained, but the former probably represents
only a small portion of the original full height. The bottom of the
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bottle shows no clear kick, pontle, or mold mark, and it is about 6.0 mm
thick; nevertheless, the bottle was presumably mold-made. The sides
range between 3.8 mm and 6.0 mm in thickness. On the side of the bottle,
and running towards the bottom, with letters about 9.0 mm high, is the
raised inscription RESS, presumably the end of a word. Although
weathering may have chemically altered the color of the transparent
glass, it presently appears as 5BG 8/2 (blue -green) . The bottle does not
floresce and is therefore perhaps made of a soda glass (Jones and
Sullivan 1985:10-12).
Sheet Metal Artifacts
Perforated Metal Object (Figure 40 e). The actual function of this
object is unclear, and it is placed in the category of domestic goods
because of its resemblance to part of a colander or strainer. Made of a
generally rectangular sheet of ferrous metal, probably tin-plated, its
overall length is greater than 87.8 mm; width is 43.4 mm and thickness
0.6 mm. Twenty-five perforations, averaging 2.0 mm to 3.0 mm in
diameter, are set in the pattern of an elongated diamond, with its long
axis oriented to the long axis of the metal sheet. Three edges of this
sheet are straight and appear to have been cut; the third is slightly
curved and polished. Immediately adjacent to the two longer, parallel
sides there are suggestions of the remains of soldering.
Tin-Plate Box Fragments (Figure 40 f) Five fragments may be broken
or cut from the same object, perhaps a tin box of the type now used for
biscuits. One example appears to represent the corner of such a box
(Figure 40 f). The rim is folded in for about 7.5 mm to 7.7 mm, then
folded back over itself for about 2.4 mm to 2.7 mm.
The rim metal is then cut at a 45 degree angle in the corner to fit
against the similarly cut rim on the adjacent side. Length of the
fragment as a whole is 57.3 mm, width 11.9 mm, and thickness of the metal
up to 0.8 mm. The end opposite the corner is broken, but the side
opposite the rim may have been cut.
The four additional examples are all heavily rusted, but appear to
be generally similar, with width of the main rim 6.5 mm to 7.8 mm, and
width of the secondary fold 2.0 mm to 2.6 mm. Three examples are broken
at both ends; one is squared at both ends and may also have been cut from
the original object at the base. Lengths of fragments range between 45.5
mm and 68.0 mm, widths between 8.4 mm and 9.2 mm. Two thicknesses
obtained were 0.4 mm and 0.8 mm. None of these overall dimensions is
particularly significant owing to the extensive rusting.
A further shattered example may be related to the above group in
that it also appears to have a double-folded rim along one side, with
widths of about 4.1 mm and 2.6 mm. The fragment is 27.7 mm long, 8.0 mm
wide, and about 0.5 mm thick.
Possible Tin-Plate Box Fragments. Two additional rusted fragments
of iron or tin-plate may also be from boxes.
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Corrugated Tin-Plate Fragments (Figure 40 g) . An approximately
rectangular sheet of tin-plate has two parallel sides that have probably
been cut, with the other sides probably broken. It is heavily rusted,
but some tin shows through. Length of the fragment is 38.6 mm, width
(perhaps the original dimension) 32.6 mm, and approximate thickness 0.7
mm. Four complete corrugations and half of a fifth occur from one end to
the other (counting each concavity and each convexity as one corrugation).
A second example of tin-plate has only one complete corrugation, but
others might have been flattened out. Present length is about 41.1 mm,
width is 30.2 mm, and thickness (including rust) is about 0.8 mm. This
sheet appears to have been regularly cut on two adjacent sides, broken or
roughly cut on the other two. Function of this corrugated metal is
uncertain.
Irregular Perforated Iron Sheet (Figure 40 h). A very small,
generally rectangular, rusted piece of sheet iron has a single
perforation a maximum of 6.0 mm in diameter. There appear to be two
parallel sides, both of which, along with one end, may be cut. Overall
dimensions of the fragment are 25.0 mm by 14.7 mm, by a minimum obtained
thickness of 0.2 mm. Again, function is uncertain.
Tin-Plate or Iron Fragments. Four cuttings of what appears to be
tin-plate were recovered. Three of these may have been part of a single
object, perhaps again part of a tin box rim. In addition, two heavily
rusted scraps of ferrous metal may also be tin-plate.
TRANSPORTATION
Horseshoe Nails
The two examples of horseshoe nails recovered (Figure 40 i) have
thin, relatively wide shafts, with most of the taper near the tip. The
heads are pentagonal in outline. Viewed in cross-section, one surface
lies on the same plane as the shaft, while the other surface lies on an
angle. Therefore, the head thickens to the crown, so that the
cross-section is a right-angled triangle. The crown or striking surface
is flat. Overall lengths are 50.2 mm and 53.3 mm, shaft widths 3.7 mm
and 4.5 mm, and shaft thicknesses 2.4 mm and 2.1 mm. Heads have a length
of 8.4 mm, widths of 4.0 mm and 4.9 mm, and thickness of 7.9 mm and 7.5
mm. One of the nails is bent at approximately a 45 degree angle about
two-thirds of the distance from head to tip, and the other is irregularly
bent and twisted throughout most of its length.
RECREATION AND SMOKING
Pipe Bowl Fragments
Two pipe bowl fragments were recovered, the smaller of which is a
tiny chip. The larger example (Figure 40 j) is part of a rim of a
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typical white clay trade pipe. The rim has been flat on top with fairly
sharp edges. Present height of the fragment is 20.8 mm, but the original
height of the bowl was probably about twice this dimension. Recon-
structed outer diameter is approximately 25.0 mm. Thickness of the rim
is 1.6 mm, and maximum thickness elsewhere is 2.0 mm. No clear evidence
of stamping or decoration remains on the fragment, although similar pipes
were often stamped with initials and scrollwork on the back of the bowl
and with initials on the spur or foot below the bowl. No burning is
clearly evident on the inside of the bowl.
DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION
Buttons
Classification of buttons, here and in subsequent descriptions,
follows generally the system established in Chapter IV.
Group II, Shell Button.
Type 1 Shell Button (Figure 41 a). One shell button was obtained
from Cabin 1. It consists of a plain disc of shell with two holes
slightly over 1.0 mm in diameter set on either side of centre. These
holes are about 3.0 mm apart from centre to centre and connected on one
surface by a shallow thread groove. They appear to have been drilled.
Diameter of the button is 11.8 mm and its thickness is 1.7 mm. The shell
is probably marine.
Group III, Bone Button
Type 1 Bone Button Fragment (Figure 41 b) . One surface of this
sew-through button has been slightly convex; the opposite surface has had
a raised and rounded rim about 3.3 mm wide, set off by an incised ring,
producing a recessed interior or "well." Within this well there were
presumably four perforations for the thread, but only two of these are
presently evident. One perforation could be measured and indicated a
diameter of 2.0 mm. The original diameter of the button as a whole was
probably very close to the figure of 16.8 mm obtained on the fragment.
Maximum thickness is 2.6 mm. This button may have been used on a coat.
Group IV. Metal Buttons
Type 2. One-Piece, Spun-Back Cast Buttons (Figure 41 c, d). This is
a persistent class of artifact, virtually identical examples having been
found in fur-trade sites dating to the end of the eighteenth century,
seventy or more years prior to the estimated date of the Buffalo Lake
Metis site. The two recovered examples consist of plain brass discs,
slightly rounded on the edges, covered with a plating probably of tin or
silver. In both cases a brass loop appears to have been set in the
casting. Subsequently, the backs have been "spun" or reduced in
thickness by a sort of lathing process that leaves characteristic
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concentric striations. No stamping or decoration occurs on either
example. Diameters are 20.7 mm and 22.7 mm; thicknessess exclusive of
the loop or the conical base of the loop are 1.2 mm and 1.5 mm. The
outer diameters of the loops are 5.5 mm and 5.4 mm.
Type 4, Variety a, "Birdcage" Brass Button (Figure 41 e). This
button consists of a single thickness of brass, slightly recessed from a
narrow raised rim on one surface, with a further recessed "well" or
"birdcage" in the centre. This depression contains four relatively
large, ca. 2.8 mm holes, evenly spaced in a square pattern. Diameter of
the button as a whole is 17.1 mm; diameter of the "well," which appears
as a dome on the reverse, is 8.0 mm. The average thickness is 1.0 mm.
On the obverse of this button, decoration consists first of all of
an approximately 1.0 mm wide band of cross-incisions just inside the
inner recess. A raised band around the outer rim produces the outer
recessed area, which is again stamped with antique letters. The words
"Double Ring" appear at the top and "Edge" on the bottom, separated by
figures resembling spread fleur-de-lis. Letters are of variable height,
but average about 1.5 mm to 2.0 mm.
The back of the button is again recessed very slightly approximately
1.0 mm inside the rim. Within this recessed area, a square is set with
corners touching the rim, and with a fleur-de-lis placed at each corner.
Type 5, Decorated Hollow Two Piece Brass and Iron Buttons (Figure 41
f, g). One example (Type 5a, Figure 41 f) consists of a brass wafer
crimped over a wafer of ferrous metal, which has extensively rusted. The
cross-pin serving for attachment is brass on at least one surface, but
there may have been a corresponding iron component on the opposite
surface. Diameter of the button is 17.1 mm, and thickness obtained was
4.6 mm, although the latter figure has undoubtedly been exaggerated by
rusting. The width of the outer band is 5.0 mm, and of the cross-bar
about 2.5 mm. Decoration consists of a concentric band of probably
stamped hatching, about 3.0 mm wide, just outside the perforation.
A second example of a decorated, two-piece button (Type 5d, Figure
41 g) is generally similar to the above, but ornamentation is more
elaborate and includes a trade mark or motif. Diameter is 16.6 mm,
thickness (with some distortion from rusting) 3.8 mm, and width of the
outer segment 5.6 mm. The cross-bar is about 2.0 mm wide. Decoration
consists first of all of a single incised concentric band immediately
around the perforation. Around the brass button surface outside this
incision is lettering antique in print style, with the appearance of
engraving. Letters are about 1.5 mm to 2.0 mm high. The words "Trade"
and "Mark" are separated by crossed long ovals, and begun and terminated
by ornamental S-shaped floral motifs. All the above is surmounted by the
engraved outline of a halberk or axe.
Type 5? Plain, Hollow Two-Piece Brass Button (Figure 41 h). The
single example recovered is doughnut-shaped, with an outer segment about
4.2 mm wide and a cross-band of brass about 1.5 mm wide bridging the
aperture. Diameter of the button is 12.9 mm and thickness 2.9 mm. The
button is formed from two shallow hemispheres, the one half crimped over
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the other, so that the seam forms a circle just inside the perimeter of
the back surface. This may be a jacket or trousers button, and might
have been cloth -covered .
Beads
Small Drawn Tubular Beads
Small Blue Glass Beads (Figure 41 i). Two small blue glass "seed"
beads are 1.1 mm and 1.4 mm long, 1.4 mm and 1.7 mm in diameter, with
perforations of less than 1.0 mm. These beads are rounded at the ends.
Color is about 2.5B 5/4.
Small Pink Glass Bead (Figure 41 j). One bead is similar to the
above, with length of 1.4 mm and diameter of 1.5 mm. The aperture is
less than 1.0 mm. Color registers about 5RP 7/6.
Large Wound Bead
Large Amber Glass Bead (Figure 41 k). The single large bead
obtained is generally round, but with a slight taper to one end. It is
probably wound, although no positive evidence can be seen. Length is 8.9
mm, diameter 10.1 mm, and maximum aperture 3.4 mm. The color appears to
be 7.5YR 5/8.
NATIVE INDUSTRIES
Chipped Stone
One small flake of chert or mudstone, 21.9 mm by 13.3 mm by 5.5 mm,
appears to have been split from a small water-rounded pebble by bipolar
flaking. It is not clearly related to the Metis occupation, and may
simply have been incorporated in the cabin fill.
FAUNAL MATERIALS FROM CABIN 1
Fragments of bone or complete long bones were scattered throughout
the woods in the area around Cabin 1 and in various other areas of, or
adjacent to, the Buffalo Lake Metis Site. Since cattle have been grazing
in these woods for a number of years, it is possible that some of this
bone may be recent and of domesticated animals.
In the excavations of Cabin 1, bone consisted largely of
unidentifiable large mammal bone fragments, many of which were probably
bison (Bison bison). Long bone and rib fragments predominated with
burning, cutting, and tooth marks evident on some of the former, cutting
on some of the latter. In addition, a few unidentified small mammal
bones were found. Table 12, Appendix III, enumerates the identifiable
and unidentifiable bone and indicates its distribution. Further detailed
observations are included in Brian Kooyman's analysis, Appendix II.
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In the identified category are snowshoe hare ( Lepus americanus ; two
individuals minimum) and muskrat (Ondatra zibethicus) . Identifiable
bison bones were found on the surface, but not directly associated with
the cabin. Identified birds were Gadwall (Anas strepera) and Trumpeter
Swan (Olor buccinator) , and a species of the order Passeri formes of crow
size or larger. Fish of unidentified species were included.
DISTRIBUTIONS IN CABIN 1
Distribution of artifacts and faunal material is represented in
Tables 11 and 12, Appendix III. This distribution was plotted on the
ground plan of Cabin 1. The cabin as a whole and its immediate environs
were divided into five sub-areas, the boundaries of which were assigned
fairly arbitrarily. These areas were designated: Cabin 1 General, Cabin
1 West, Feature 1, Fireplace, Feature 2, Ash Concentration, and Cabin 1
East (see Table 11, Appendix III).
Grid locations are provided in two different ways. A reference such
as 15S, 0E (15 feet south, 0 feet east of arbitrary 0 point) represents a
whole square (designed by its northwest corner), and generally an
artifact found in the screen or in disturbed material. A reference such
as 12. 5S, 1.45E, however, represents a specific measured location, and an
artifact found in situ.
Depths were recorded for most artifacts, but because of the general
shallowness of the site, these are not included here. Generally, it was
assumed that artifacts in surface deposits had not moved very far from
their original location.
Artifacts and bone fragments were much more prevalent in the western
portion of the cabin. To some extent, this may reflect the more
intensive excavation in the area, and greater recent disturbance in the
eastern part. However, the one clearly defined fireplace occurred in
Cabin 1 West and may have constituted a primary focus of activity by the
residents .
A review of the ground plan revealed one or two possibly significant
distributions of specific artifacts. Cut nails were surprisingly
numerous in the Ash pit, suggesting perhaps that building timbers had
been burned in the fireplace. Earthenware was much more prevalent in the
west "room" of the cabin, and in the Ash Concentration, but again this
may be a factor of the greater prevalence of artifacts in general in
these areas. Buttons and beads, although numbers were small, appeared
relatively well represented in Cabin 1 East, suggesting a possible
specialized function for this area.
Bone fragments were again much more common in Cabin 1 West, where
they were scattered throughout much of the floor area. Surprisingly,
they were absent in the Ash Concentration, where calcined bone chips
might have been expected.
Distribution of artifacts and bone within Cabin 1 indicates both
"primary" disposal through loss or casual dispersal (see Schiffer
1977:19), within the cabin interior, and "secondary"( ?) , purposeful
disposal in the Ash Concentration. Presumably further "secondary"
disposal, particularly of large bones, may have taken place outside the
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excavated area, perhaps at some distance, but this is not presently
documented. There is no indication of disposal within an abandoned
structure, which was a widespread procedure as indicated by Schiffer
(1977:24) and Carrillo (1977:79), and documented in our own excavations
of fur trade sites and possibly of Cabin 2. Nor is there evidence of "de
facto" refuse directly reflecting abandonment behavior (Schiffer 1977:24).
CABIN, 1 DISCUSSION
Cabin 1 appears to be part of the general complex of Metis Hi vernant
(winterer's) cabins at Buffalo Lake, determined through archival sources
to date probably between 1872 and 1878. Structural evidence, artifacts,
and the nature of the faunal materials (Kooyman, Appendix II) are
generally consistent with this ethnic association and this dating.
Although certain classes of artifacts, particularly forged nails and
plain spun-back brass buttons, might suggest a much greater antiquity, it
is clear that the former at least persisted long after a new technology
of machine manufacture was available. Forged nails in fact are still
made today for specialized uses.
No functional specialization is suggested for the cabin, since no
class of artifacts is overwhelmingly dominant, nor were structural
peculiarities noted. It is assumed to have served as a general
residence, at least on a seasonal basis.
A floor area of approximately 400 square feet (37.16 m2) is
represented, probably divided into two units of approximately 200 square
feet (18.58 m2) each. The whole would compare, then, with a very small
modern bachelor apartment, and would be slightly smaller than the first
and second house-chapels at Pirmez Creek and Elbow River, which were
likely about 50 square metres in area (John Day, personal communication).
This size and the estimated external dimensions of ca. 30 feet by 14
feet (9.14 m by 4.27 m) are essentially consistent with those of other
excavated Metis cabins. At the Kajewski site in the Cypress Hills,
Elliott (1971: 25-26) describes a two-room cabin with each room 15 feet
by 14 1/2 feet (4.57 m by 4.42 m) , apparently almost identical to Cabin 1
at Buffalo Lake. Although the other investigated cabins at the present
site were somewhat more square than Cabin 1, the estimated dimensions
would produce generally consistent interior areas. Cabin 3 was
approximately 24 feet by 15 feet or 360 square feet (7.32 m by 4.57 m or
33.44 m2); Cabin 4 was approximately 24 feet by 24 feet or 576 square
feet (7.31 m by 7.31 m or 53.51 m2); and Cabin 5 (with hypothesized
extension) was approximately 27 feet by 18 feet or 486 square feet (8.23
m by 5.49 m or 45.15 m2). The placement of the fireplace in Cabin 1
would also seem generally consistent with that in other Metis structures
investigated.
Artifact and bone distribution, particularly the scattering of
materials in Cabin 1 West, might suggest that the cabin had an earth
floor. This hypothesis would be supported by the lack of clear
structural remains within the outline of the sill logs, and perhaps by
the apparent lack of internal cellars or storage pits. The contrary
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hypothesis of a wooden floor, however, might be supported by the
occurrence of gable-head or clasp nails, used typically for flooring. A
third possibility would be partial flooring. At the Kajewski site in the
Cypress Hills, partial floor platforms seem to have been built in front
of the fireplace and across from the door that was centred in the
opposite wall (Elliott 1971:26).
Relative scarcity of artifacts suggests that Cabin 1 East might have
served as a storeroom or other sort of annex to the unit clearly
containing the fireplace. Elliott (1971:85), for example, noted a
reference to the inclusion of both living quarters and a meat house under
one Metis roof. However, any functional interpretation here is
speculative, and, as indicated above, the western unit may have had a
fi replace as wel 1 .
Documentary evidence indicates that Metis occupation of structural
units was sometimes intensive. Certainly Cabin 1 could have accomodated
a nuclear family and perhaps an extended family.
The duration of residence is unclear, although we might assume that
it took place at least in association with the season of the bison hunt.
In Cabin 1, however, there was no evidence of seasonality based on
rejuvenation of fireplaces or storage pits, as in Cabins 3 and 4, or at
the Kajewski Metis site in the Cypress Hills (Elliott 1971:31, 43-45).
Similar evidence might be obtained in Cabin 1, however, by more
detailed excavation of the Fireplace in the west unit. Such excavation
was proposed in 1983, but was not approved at that time by the
Archaeological Survey of Alberta.
CHAPTER VI
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA, CABIN 2
Cabin 2, on the crest of the ridge previously described and
overlooking the pond or slough, was even less clearly defined than Cabin
1 (Figures 4, 42 a, b). The basic surficial evidence in this locality
(Figure 43) consisted of two rock piles and three depressions, the latter
generally forming a triangle, with the largest one, approximately 10.0
feet (3.05 m) in diameter, on the east, and the smaller ones,
approximately 5.0 feet and 7.0 feet (1.52 m and 2.13 m) in diameter, on
the west.
EXCAVATIONS AT CABIN 2
Excavation methods employed at Cabin 2 are described in the section
on Cabin I, Chapter V and in addition correspond generally to those set
forth in Chapter I.
Although some excavation was conducted in all three of these
depressions, only the one on the southwest was completely cleared (and is
referred to subsequently as Feature 2, the Refuse Pit). No cribbing or
other structural remains were encountered here, nor in either of the
other depressions. Although rock and ash were concentrated in the bottom
of the largest depression (which was also one of the larger pits on the
site), they may have fallen in from a badly disturbed fireplace on the
northern lip. As in the case of Cabin 1, Cabin 2 had been subjected to
some recent digging by unknown persons.
THE FEATURES OF CABIN 2
The Wall Lines
Excavations at Cabin 2 were again concentrated initially on
determining wall lines and a general indication of the form and
orientation of the structure (Figure 43). (All directions that follow
are approximate, but may be adjusted by consulting Figure 43.) Evidence
of two long parallel walls was again obtained. These walls lay to
arbitrary (grid) north and south of the smallest depression (Feature 2,
the Refuse Pit). They also appeared to be associated with the rock pile
(Feature 1, the Fireplace). If projected to the east, they would have
enclosed the largest depression and the disturbed rock concentration as
well. However, one middle-sized depression would still lie outside them
to the north.
Again, wood was very poorly preserved. On the north, the broken
line of timber presumed to represent the building sill (Figures 43, 44 a)
stretched for about 10.5 feet (3.20 m) , with a maximum width of 0.5 feet
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(15.24 cm). On the south, and farther to the east, the only indication
of a corresponding sill (Figure 43) was the depression between low clay
ridges, very much like the ones noted at Cabin 1. The distance between
these hypothesized sills was approximately 13 feet (3.96 m) , or almost
exactly the same as the indicated width of Cabin 1.
No positive east and west wall lines were discovered. The sill on
the north began about 3.0 feet (91.44 cm) west of the smaller enclosed
depression and ran virtually into the rock pile. The sill depression on
the south began approximately 8.0 feet (2.44 m) farther east than the
north sill and ran for approximately 6.5 feet (1.98 m) . The minimum
overall length of building indicated, then, would be 14.5 feet (4.42 m) .
The actual orientation of the cabin's short axis would be approximately
25 degrees west of grid north, approximately 90 degrees west of magnetic
north, or approximately 66 degrees west of true north. This was not very
close to the orientation of Cabin 1, located about 150 feet (45.72 m) to
the (true) east-northeast.
A hypothetical northwest corner occurred at approximately grid point
5.0 south, 6.0 west, defined only by changes in the character of
deposition that here formed an obtuse angular pattern. This hypothetical
corner was approximately 1.0 feet (30.48 cm) beyond the end of the north
sill (?) timber and 2.5 feet (76.20 cm) beyond a hypothetical post on the
north wall line. If a line were taken south from this corner along the
short (?) axis of the cabin, a concentration of burned chinking and ash
would be encountered just outside its intersection with the projected
south wall line. Such concentrations of fired chinking sometimes
indicated building corners (see Losey et al. 1978:169), and hence the
locality of grid point 17.0 south, 0.4 west might consitute the southwest
corner of the cabin. If, alternately, the sill end on the north, or the
post, were taken as the northwest corner, the west wall would be moved
east by about 1.0 feet (30.48 cm) or 2.0 feet (60.96 cm) respectively.
Cross-timbers running arbitrary north-south were suggested in four
localities of Cabin 2 (Figure 43), but they were nowhere continuous, and
in all cases they might have represented internal joists or flooring
rather than the sills for walls or partitions. Measuring from the
westernmost point at which the east-west timber hypothetical ly marking
the north wall could be plotted, they lay at points about 8.0 feet (2.44
m), 9.5 feet (2.90 m) , 12.0 feet (3.66 m) , and 17.0 feet (5.18 m) east.
The first two of these timbers appeared near the north wall (the
second actually intersecting it), and to the west of the rock pile. The
third timber lay near the south wall, and if it were projected north
would have run into the rock pile. The fourth discontinuous timber lay
north of the approximate middle of the structure, and if projected north
and south would have run between the rock pile on the west and the
largest depression on the east. The ground throughout this area, and
particularly to the east towards the large depression, was irregular and
sloping to the east and south, and this last timber may have slumped.
Alternately, it might have constituted the west wall sill of a structure
to the east of the one described.
The cross-timber that appeared to run into the rock pile or
Fireplace on the south edge may have constituted the east wall or
partition of the cabin. This suggestion is supported to some extent by
the occurrence of a patch of burned mud-plaster chinking just outside the
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corner that would be formed by the southward projection of this timber
and the eastward protection of the south wall trench. Hypothetical
corners would occur, then, at grid point 1.6 north, 7.8 east on the
northeast and 10.5 south, 13.5 east on the southeast.
Again, if this hypothesis is correct, the timber remains to the east
of the line between these two points might have belonged to a second
cabin (or room) associated with the largest depression. The west
enclosure, then, as defined by this line and the hypothetical west wall,
would have been approximately 13 feet (3.96 m) north-south by 15 feet
(4.57 m) east-west, or 195 square feet (18.12 m2). If alternative
northwest corners are adopted, the east-west dimensions would be reduced
to 14 feet (4.27 m) or 12.5 feet (3.81 m) respectively. Interestingly
enough, the first figure is identical to the length of the hypothetical
west unit in Cabin 1 .
As in the case of Cabin 1, no indications of doorways were found in
Cabin 2, and only one hypothetical post (Figure 43), approximately 5.6
inches (14.22 cm) in diameter, on the north wall line near the northwest
corner. This post might have been just inside the wall line, however,
and again it seems probable that the cabin was built on a single
rectangle of sill logs. No additional direct evidence of structure, such
as the form of cabin corners, was obtained. However, burned mud plaster
chinking suggests that the log walls were "mudded." Otherwise, and as in
the case of Cabin 1, limited indication of fire was seen. Burnt wood
chips concentrated particularly along the east "wall" of the west unit
may have been related to the nearby Fireplace. This lack of burning is
perhaps odd, since more than one large fire is reported to have burned in
the Buffalo Lake area since the abandonment of the Metis camp. However,
as suggested for Cabin 1, and as supported to some extent by data from
fur trade sites, such fires may not have extensively affected the
sub-structures .
Feature 1, The Fireplace
Apart from the width suggested, dimensions of the cabin or cabins
represented are uncertain. Again, a clue might be obtained from the
Fireplace (Figure 43), but the main rock pile in Cabin 2 was even less
well defined in its orientation than the similar feature in Cabin 1, and
in addition its excavation was not completed.
Rocks in the Cabin 2 Fireplace were again sub-angular and apparently
of local derivation. The approximate overall size of the rock
concentration, discounting a few outliers, was 7.0 feet (2.13 m)
north-south by 4.0 feet (1.22 m) east-west, again comparable to the
fireplace in Cabin 3. It lay near, and presumably may have abutted on,
the north wall. The sudden slope to the east around and into the large
depression would suggest that a partition or end wall might have occurred
immediately to the east as well, in which case the feature would have
been a corner fireplace. Although the present alignment of the rocks
might suggest an opening on the east, such an opening would be highly
unlikely if the partition occurred here. Perhaps the matter could be
resolved by further excavation, which was proposed in 1983, but not
approved at that time.
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Feature 2, The Refuse Pit
The small depression in the southwest portion of Cabin 2 (Figures
43, 44 b) was entirely excavated, and proved to constitute a simple pit
approximately 7.0 feet (2.13 m) east-west and five feet (1.52 m)
north-south. Maximum depth was about 2.0 feet (60.96 cm). This pit
seems to have been more or less centred in the hypothetical western
portion of the Cabin 2 structure. It was approximately oval in outline,
without any apparent wood cribbing, lining, or lid (although at least the
last of these might be suggested by the included nails). Grid
co-ordinates obtained, in a clockwise direction, were approximately as
follows: 5.2 south, 2.4 east; 5.7 south, 6.6 east; 9.5 south, 4.7 east;
9.2 south, 0.4 east.
If the dimensions of the room postulated above are accurate, this
pit might have occupied a substantial portion (about one-fifth) of its
original interior. Again there is no direct evidence that it was floored
over as a cellar or storage compartment, but given its location, and the
apparent occurrence of such a "lid" in Cabin 5, this would be probable.
Eventually, and perhaps subsequent to use as a cellar or storage
pit, possibly even following the abandonment of the cabin, this feature
seems to have become a slop pit. The loamy contents differed from the
surrounding soil, and artifacts found within the pit appeared to be
stratified according to weight, suggesting that the contents were largely
liquid at the time of their deposition.
THE ARTIFACTS OF CABIN 2
Method of Presentation
The artifact descriptions that follow will refer back to some extent
to the descriptions for Cabin 3.
Provisionally, the contents of the Refuse Pit in Cabin 2 are
described separately from the general material associated with the
cabin. In part, this is because the contents of this pit would seem to
constitute refuse deposition over a relatively short period of time,
perhaps during a single season at most, and consequently a "tight"
chronological -occupation unit. There is no evidence for re-use or
rejuventation of this feature. Secondly, it is possible that this
deposition occurred in fact after Cabin 2 was abandoned (see p. 166), in
which case the contents might relate to a different household unit.
The two "lots," however, are combined in Table 13, Appendix III,
where measurements and distributions of individual artifacts are also
given. Fauna! materials are also combined in Table 14, Appendix III.
HUNTING
Ignition Parts and Ammunition
Round Ball (Figure 45 a). A single large lead round ball recovered
is of the approximate size used in a trade gun. It is 15.0 mm in
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diameter, or of approximately 60 calibre. Weight of the ball is 19.73
grams or 305 grains.
Lead Shot (Figure 45 b). Thirteen examples of smaller lead shot
range in diameter between 3.6 mm and 4.3 mm. Of these, eight are in the
3.6 mm to 3.7 mm category, or approximately number 3. Three of the
remaining large examples are slightly flattened and may originally have
been of the same group. Only two shot, then, are clearly over 4.0 mm
(4.1 mm and 4.3 mm) or about number 2 (Logan 1959:171; Greener 1910:612).
CONSTRUCTION, BLACKSMITHING. AND CRAFTS
Construction hardware in Cabin 2 was largely limited to nails, most
of which were of the machine-cut variety.
Forged Iron Nails
Forged Nail Fragments (Figure 45 c). Two fragments of large forged
nails or "spikes" are missing the heads, and therefore cannot be further
classified. One of these fragments has a flat expanding tip, the only
example of this tip form encountered in Cabin 2. Maximum shaft
measurements are 6.9 mm by 6.6 mm, and both have been large nails or
"spikes . "
Forged or Cut Iron Nails
Two nails (Figure 45 d) are provisionally placed in this
indeterminate category. Both are small (tacks) with rounded, battered
heads, and some rounding on the shaft of one example. One nail is
complete and straight with a length of 20.9 mm, shaft width of 2.4 mm,
and shaft thickness of 2.1 mm. The head is 6.5 mm by 6.2 mm by 1.0 mm.
The fragment has a shaft width of 3.7 mm and shaft thickness of 3.2 mm.
The head is 8.1 mm long, 7.0 mm wide, and 1.7 mm thick.
Machine-Cut Iron Nails
Flat-Head Cut Nails. This category basically includes all those
nails (with one exception) that appear to have machine-made heads. The
criteria for distinguishing sub-groups are explained in the description
of Flat-Head Cut Nails from Cabin 1.
Group 1 (Figure 45 e) . Five virtually complete and four fragmentary
examples fall within this category.
Size ranges for virtually complete examples are: length 22.6 mm to
57.7 mm, width of shank 2.9 mm to 4.9 mm, and thickness of shank 2.9 mm
to 4.5 mm. Head measurements are: length 4.8 mm to 7.3 mm, width 3.9 mm
to 5.6 mm, and thickness 1.1 mm to 2.1 mm. Shaft measurements within the
fragmentary group are: width 3.5 mm to 5.4 mm and thickness 3.0 mm to 4.1
mm. Heads are 5.6 mm to 9.1 mm by 3.5 mm to 6.6 mm by 1.0 mm to 2.8 mm.
All virtually complete examples are essentially straight, although one
may have been bent and broken slightly near the tip.
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Group 2 (Figure 45 f). A total of eight virtually complete examples
and 10 fragmentary examples is included in this category. Ranges of size
within the complete group are: length 24.1 mm to 75.4 mm, width of shaft
2.6 mm to 5.2 mm, and thickness of shaft 2.1 mm to 3.4 mm. Head
measurements are: length 5.6 mm to 8.0 mm, width 4.0 mm to 7.6 mm, and
thickness 1.1 mm to 2.5 mm. Shaft measurements of fragments are: width
3.3 mm to 6.0 mm and thickness 2.6 mm to 4.0 mm. Head measurements are:
5.9 mm to 8.4 mm by 4.4 mm to 7.7 mm by 1.4 mm to 2.5 mm.
Modification of the shanks of nails is apparent in several cases.
One example shows a slight and one a considerable (ca. 45 degree)
curvature throughout the length, possibly the result of drawing. Three
have approximately 20 degree bends slightly on the tip side of centre.
Two additional examples show similar slight bends about two-thirds to
three-quarters the distance from head to tip. This bend is fairly abrupt
and might be the result of clinching and then drawing the nails.
Group 3 (Figure 45 g) . Three nails were provisionally placed in
this category, all essentially complete, although one shaft is split.
Size ranges are: length 38.9 mm to 63.4 mm, width of shank 2.4 mm to 4.5
mm, and thickness of shank 2.3 mm to 3.8 mm. Head length is 6.1 mm to
7.2 mm, width 5.4 mm to 6.4 mm, and thickness 0.9 mm to 2.4 mm.
Modifications of these nails includes two cases of curving to about
20 degrees, perhaps owing to drawing or to deflection during the
driving. The third example has been sharply bent just below the head,
and the shaft has split along a clearly defined plane. This plane would
be parallel to the plane of the metal sheet from which the nail was cut,
suggesting that this sheet may have been laminated from two thinner
sections .
Cut Nail with Reinforced Head (Figure 45 h). A single example is
unusually large and has a head generally square in outline with slightly
rounded sides. A circle fitting within this square appears in stamped
relief on the crown of the nail. This may be a provision for reinforcing
the nail, a procedure sometimes followed in making heavy-duty nails, for
example some of those used in fencing. Below this head, the shaft is
clearly bevelled, as it is on some of the cut nails previously
described. Length of the nail is 88.3 mm, width of shaft 7.1 mm, and
thickness of shaft 5.0 mm. Head length is 10.2 mm, width 9.4 mm, and
thickness 3.5 mm.
Cut Nail Fragments with Pounded Ends (Figure 45 i). The heads of
three small nails (tacks) have apparently been removed, and the shafts
subsequently pounded into the wood, so that a portion of the thinned
shaft has been bent over and flattened to form what appears to be a new
head. One and possibly more of these nails may be forged rather than
cut. Lengths are 19.8 mm to 21.8 mm, widths of shank all 2.0 mm, and
thicknesses of shank 1.4 mm to 1.6 mm. "Head" measurements are probably
of little significance. One example is slightly bent throughout, the
others essentially straight.
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Cut Nail Fragments (Figure 45 j). In addition to the fragmentary
nails described within various of the above categories, nine were
recovered that can only be classified as cut nails. Six of these are tip
fragments and three are medial fragments. One of the former group is
slightly curved and one has a ca. 30 degree bend that might be the result
of a clinch. Shafts usually seem to fall within the range of complete or
classifiable examples, and consequently no measurements are given.
Two additional unclassif iable objects might be a nail fragments,
although one is rather thin.
Key
A single ward lock key for a door (Figure 45 k), made of ferrous
metal, was recovered in Cabin 2. Overall length is 92.3 mm, and width at
the ring or loop is 28.3 mm and at the bit 17.1 mm. The maximum
thickness of the shaft is 9.6 mm. The shaft has three raised encircling
bands near the ring end and an expansion and one raised band near the
bit. The bit is single, but shaped three-dimensional ly. No other
evidence of locks was found in Cabin 2 or elsewhere in the Metis site.
Closely comparable keys, however, were found at the Saskatchewan site of
Fort Pelly 1, dating from 1824 to 1856 (Klimko 1983:242, Figure 95 a).
Iron Wire
One very small example seems to be a short section of very thin
ferrous metal wire, 11.5 mm long and 1.2 mm in diameter. It is heavily
rusted, so that the diameter may be exaggerated.
HOUSEHOLD, BUSINESS. AND PERSONAL MAINTENANCE
Earthenware
Again, the basic typology is adapted from the Chapter III
description of Cabin 3 examples.
Plain White Glazed Earthenware.
One small rim fragment and one perhaps related body sherd were
recovered (Figure 46 a). No decoration is indicated, and sherds are not
large enough to suggest vessel form. Maximum thickness obtained is 4.4
mm. The rim is slightly thinned from the outside to an approximate
thickness of 4.0 mm.
Monochrome Underglaze Transfer-Printed Ware
Earthenware with "Flowed" Blue Transfer-Printed Pattern (Figure 46
b, c). One rim sherd and one body sherd were recovered. The rim sherd
suggests a rather large cup or small bowl, but the fragment is actually
too small for meaningful reconstruction of diameter. Body thickness
appears to range between about 3.5 mm and 5.5 mm, and thickness of the
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slightly reduced, rounded, but apparently unflared rim is a maximum of
4.1 mm.
The rim fragment has a pattern on both outside and inside consisting
of a series of parallel, alternating light and dark blue zig-zags. This
pattern is contained by horizontal lines, the upper of which lies along
the lip of the rim. The width of the band on the outside from the rim
down is 10.4 mm. Below it, on the outside of the sherd, is a light blue
band (actually the ground) about 2.0 mm wide, and again below this is a
dark blue, solid narrow band about 1.0 mm. wide.
This rim may represent an unnamed pattern manufactured by W. T.
Copeland and illustrated in the 1882 catalog. The earliest pattern
number is B 772, and the ware may date between 1839 and after 1882
(Sussman 1 979a : 65 , 66, Figures 65, 66).
Based on the probably similar body sherd, the pattern below the band
apparently occurs on the inside of the vessel, and consists of a variety
of stem, leaf, and flower designs in a dark cobalt blue, shading through
a lighter blue into a very light blue background. The design is a
"flowed" underglaze transfer-print, with color registering approximately
7.5PB 2/10.
Glassware
Light Green Glass Bottle Fragments (Figure 46 d). One rim and three
joined body sherds of a nearly clear, very light green, non-leaded
(non-f lorescing) glass were recovered. These fragments appear to have
been burned or heavily weathered, but the rim sherd indicates a bottle or
jar with reconstructed outside lip diameter of about 76.0 mm. The rim or
finish appears to have been formed by folding out the lip of the glass
and turning it down on the outside. The width of this rim is 5.0 mm and
thickness 4.0 mm to 4.4 mm. Thickness throughout the body sherds ranges
between 2.8 mm and 3.4 mm.
Window or Mirror Glass Fragments (Figure 46 e). Ten sherds are
essentially flat, ranging between 9.9 mm and 44.8 mm in length, 8.5 mm
and 27.1 mm in width, and 1.6 mm and 2.6 mm in maximum thickness. One
fragment, however, has the remains of a right-angle bend on one edge,
suggesting that it might have been part of a straight-sided bottle. No
edges are clearly straight or cut. Many of these sherds could have been
either window or mirror glass, but since no evidence of silvering remains
(as it does on some examples recovered from early Alberta fur trade
sites), the former is perhaps more likely. Color varies from light green
to nearly yellow, but it is too light to be reliably classified.
Glass Fragments. Two tiny glass sherds are too small to be reliably
placed in either of the above categories.
Sheet Metal Artifacts
Iron Strapping (Figure 46 f, g) . Two iron bands are generally
similar in form, and might have been straps for wooden boxes or trunks or
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possibly hoops for small barrels or kegs. The first example (Figure 46
f) is very approximately 330.0 mm long, an average of 24.3 mm wide, and
0.9 mm thick. Three perforations and part of a fourth remain, all close
to the edge of the band, and regularly separated by about 110.0 mm. The
perforations themselves are a fairly regular 3.8 mm in diameter. The
band is broken through a perforation at one end and cut, probably with
some subsequent squaring, at the opposite end. Width is quite regular
throughout the length. The perforations are quite round, and although
they are probably punched, some of the raised edges on the undersurface
may have been subsequently removed by filing. This band was found to the
southeast of Cabin 2, and might be dissociated from that household.
The second example (Figure 46 g) is about 335.0 mm long, 21.8 mm
wide, and 1.2 mm thick. The edges are more rounded, but slightly raised
on the bottom. Five and one-half perforations occur, running down the
approximate centre of the band, and separated fairly regularly by about
55.0 mm. The perforations themselves are about 4.0 mm to 5.0 mm in
diameter, but somewhat less regular than those on the preceding example.
One end of this band has been irregularly broken at the perforation; the
other end has been bent and broken straight across.
Tin-Plate Box Rim Fragment (Figure 46 h). This object, apparently
made of tin-plate, is generally rectangular in outline. It may be cut
along the parallel side opposite the rim, and it appears to be broken on
the ends. The rim itself is folded to the outside, about 2.4 mm to 2.6
mm wide, and 0.8 mm thick. Present length of the fragment is 38.1 mm,
width is 16.4 mm, and thickness of the metal is 0.2 mm to 0.5 mm, This
might be part of a tin box, similar to a modern biscuit box.
Tin-Plate Fragments. Four cuttings of what appears to be tin-plate
were recovered. Some of these may also be parts of tin boxes.
Elongated, Parallel-Sided Metal Sheet (Figure 46 i). This metal
sheet is approximately 160.0 mm. long, 54.8 mm. wide, and 0.3 mm to 0.5
mm thick. Narrow, irregular bands, apparently of solder, occur adjacent
to each of the parallel long edges on both surfaces. Grinding after
cutting seems to have taken place on these edges. One end appears to
have been cut irregularly, perhaps with a chisel, the other end perhaps
merely broken or torn. Function is uncertain, but this might be part of
a metal box or container of some sort.
Sheet Copper Scraps? Three scraps of sheet metal are heavily
corroded, but may be copper or copper alloy.
Lead Foil (Figure 46 j). Although identification and classification
of this substance is tentative, it is placed in the domestic category on
the assumption that it may have been used in the packaging of tea or a
similar product (Elliott 1971:198, 229-230). Alternately, lead foil was
sometimes used in containers for gunpowder, and examples from Cabin 5
(page 195) were apparently used on preserves such as chutney.
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A total of five examples of foil or small associated fragments were
recovered. All of these are crumpled or twisted, so that measurements
are of little significance. However, present length range is 33.7 mm to
57.2 mm, width is 15.5 mm to 45.5 mm, and thickness of metal 0.2 mm to
0.3 mm.
Although one or two surfaces appeared to bear decipherable
impressions of letters or the like when observed in the field, these
could not be detected during subsequent laboratory examination.
Pencil Lead
A small fragment of graphite (Figure 46 k) was recovered, but it may
be a recent introduction into the site. However, it is hexagonal in
cross-section, and the pencils used by the field crew during excavations
probably had round leads. The fragment is 8.8 mm long and about 2.0 mm
in diameter, broken at one end and rounded, apparently by use, on the
other.
Hard Rubber Comb Fragments
Four dark brown to black, thick, flexible prongs that resemble
narrow collar studs are actually "louse" comb teeth (Figure 46 1). These
are almost certainly made from "vulcanite," a hard rubber and sulphur
compound used during the late nineteenth century. "Vulcanite" was first
referred to in this sense about 1860, although it may have been
manufactured earlier.
The material in the recovered sample is still flexible, although it
will break when struck. Two combs or more probably two different size
tooth rows are represented. Three teeth vary in length between 21.0 mm
and 27.5 mm, the similarity suggesting that they were broken from the
comb near their bases. Widths are 5.0 mm and thicknesses 0.7 mm to 0.8
mm. The edges of each tooth are rounded and smoothed, but transverse
striations appear on the faces. Presumably the considerable width of the
teeth was to give added strength to the comb. The fourth fragment is
similar in form to the above but somewhat smaller: 14.4 mm long, 2.9 mm
wide, and 0.8 mm thick.
A complete comb of this type was recovered from an internal storage
pit in Cabin 4, and is described in Chapter VII, page 175. Elsewhere,
bone and tortoise-shell examples of similar form are known.
TRANSPORTATION
Horseshoe Nail
Overall length of the present example (Figure 46 m) is 61.2 mm,
shaft width 5.1 mm, and shaft thickness 2.8 mm. The head is 9.3 mm long,
6.7 mm wide, and 8.1 mm thick. The nail is bent at approximately a 45
degree angle about two thirds of the distance from head to tip.
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DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION
Button
Group I, Type 1 Shell Button (Figure 46 n). A single shell button
consists of a simple disc 10.9 mm in diameter and 1.8 mm thick. There is
a rough recess around the edge on one surface, but this may be the mark
of the turning tool or button-bit rather than an intentional feature.
One hole approximately 1.4 mm in diameter is drilled at centre of the
disc; a second similar hole to one side of the centre. From centre to
centre, the holes are separated by approximately 2.0 mm. A sloping,
apparently gouged channel leads from just inside the rim through the
centre hole into the side hole. Presumably this was intended as a thread
channel and was gouged from the side of the button in this fashion since
too much pressure directed between the holes might have broken out the
intervening space. Alternately, it might be part of the conformation of
the original shell or a result of exfoliation. This shell is again
probably a marine species, and the grey color suggests the possibility of
the eastern quahog clam (Mercenaria mercenaria). Again, however, it
might be an abalone (Haliotis sp.).
Beads
Small Drawn Tubular Beads
Small Blue Glass Beads (Figure 46 o). A series of 14 small blue
glass beads range in length between 1.0 mm and 2.2 mm, and in diameter
between 1.4 mm and 3.0 mm. Thus, although most are in the "seed"
category, under 2.0 mm in diameter, they range into the "intermediate"
category (Conn 1968, 1969). Perforation diameter, as nearly as it can be
obtained with a perforation gauge, ranges between less than 0.9 mm and
1.2 mm, with only three examples over 1.0 mm. All of these beads are
rounded at the ends. Color of the sample as a whole would appear to be
about 2.5B 5/4.
Small Pink Glass Bead (Figure 46 p) . One example is similar to the
above, but very small, with length of 1.3 mm and diameter of 1.4 mm.
Aperture is well below 1.0 mm. Color registers about 5RP 7/6.
NATIVE INDUSTRIES
Chipped Stone
A probable flake or core fragment of grey quartzite measures 58.0 mm
by 38.8 mm by 17.8 mm. It may be unrelated to the Metis occupation. In
addition, two chips of fine-grained quartzite or similar material (one of
which may in fact be from a gunflint) were found.
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THE ARTIFACTS FROM THE REFUSE PIT OF CABIN 2
HUNTING
Ignition Parts and Ammunition
Gunf lint (Figure 47 a). A single gunflint is of the "English" and
sectioned-blade type, with the working axis perpendicular to the line of
striking the blade. The cross-section forms an off-centre prism. The
heel is retouched, but there is relatively little flaking on the long,
bevelled sparking edge. The flint is of medium size, perhaps for use in
a northwest trade gun of about 60 calibre, and is of a light brown-grey
color. Length is 26.4 mm, width 20.5 mm, and thickness 8.0 mm. Two
additional small chips may be from gunflints.
Round Balls (Figure 47 b). Two lead "round" balls were recovered,
both 14.45 mm in diameter and therefore of approximately 60 calibre.
Weight of the balls is 16.44 grams and 16.79 grams or 254 grains and 259
grains. This is virtually the same calibre predominating also in the fur
trade sites seventy years or more earlier than the Metis occupation.
Lead Shot (Figure 47 c). A total of 441 small shot was recovered
from the Refuse Pit of Cabin 2. Presumably, at least some of these were
introduced with bird or small mammal remains disposed of here.
Diameters of shot range between 2.70 mm and 4.80 mm, or from about
size 6 to BBB (Montreal standards, Logan 1959:171). The distribution of
sizes by 0.05 mm increments is given in Table 15, Appendix III, and by
standard sizes in Table 16, Appendix III. Clearly, the greatest
concentration is in the 3.00 mm to 3.30 mm range, or about size 5 to 4,
with a slight secondary concentration in the 4.10 mm to 4.30 mm range, or
about size 1 to B (Logan 1959:171; Greener 1910:612).
Sprue Fragments? (Figure 47 d). Six small, elongated lead pellets,
rounded at the ends, may be pieces of sprue. Length ranges from 6.2 mm
to 8.4 mm, and diameter from 2.6 mm to 3.3 mm. "Sprues" are the waste
fillings of the pour-holes in bullet moulds, cut or broken away when the
bullets are removed. However, the present examples show no clear signs
of having been cut, and function is actually uncertain.
Lead Bullet (Figure 47 e) . One spent bullet has an extensively
flattened tip, with folds of lead in fact extending below the original
base. Enough of this base remains, however, for measurement, and the
original diameter appears to have been approximately 11.2 mm, or about 44
calibre. Present length is 10.7 mm and weight is 12.95 grams or 200
grains. This bullet might have been fired from a 44 Henry cartridge, one
of which was in fact found between Cabin 1 and Cabin 2.
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CONSTRUCTION, BLACKSMITHING. AND CRAFTS
File Tang
A generally pointed and curved iron object appears to be a file tang
(Figure 47 f), perhaps scored with a cold chisel or blacksmith's hardy
and broken from the file blade. The curve, towards the pointed end,
describes nearly 90 degrees. Length of the fragment is 96.0 mm, width
15.0 mm, and thickness 5.5 mm.
Numerous similar sections of file tang, apparently discarded, were
found at the blacksmith's shop locality of Fort George (North West
Company, 1792 to 1800; Kidd 1970:39). Presumably, tools of some sort
were being made from the removed file blades.
No monograms or marks appear on the present tang, although these
were frequent on fur trade examples, and occur on some modern files.
However, the tang is heavily rusted, and the rust may conceal such
markings .
Forged Iron Nails
Nails from the Refuse Pit of Cabin 2 were not cleaned, and many had
extensive adhesions of iron oxide and sand or of wood. Therefore
classification is difficult, particularly within the machine-headed, cut
nail category, and some of the assignments are conseguently provisional.
Gable-Head Forged Nails (Figure 47 g) . Classification as cut nails
is questionable. One example is almost certainly gable-headed; a second
is more guestionable. Both are essentially complete and straight.
Lengths are 70.8 mm and 73.6 mm, widths 5.2 mm and 5.9 mm, and
thicknesses 4.0 mm and 4.3 mm. Heads are 6.8 mm and 7.8 mm long, 5.4 mm
and 5.1 mm wide, and 3.5 mm and 4.3 mm thick.
Forged or Cut Iron Nails.
Nine examples (Figure 47 h, i), all essentially complete and all
relatively small, are of undetermined manufacture. They may be either
forged or cut. Heads tend to be flat and battered. Most examples are
straight, but one is bent at approximate centre to about a 45 degree
angle, and a second is bent at about the same angle three-guarters of the
distance from base to tip.
Size ranges are: length 17.0 mm to 34.4 mm, width 2.3 mm to 4.0 mm,
and thickness 2.1 mm to 3.5 mm. Because of extensive apparent
modification, head sizes are probably of little significance, but length
range is 6.0 mm to 9.6 mm, width 4.0 mm to 8.4 mm, and thickness 1.4 mm
to 3.3 mm.
Machine-Cut Iron Nails
Gable-Head Cut Nails (Figure 48 a). Four essentially complete
examples all tend to be large. All are apparently machine-made but have
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hand-forged heads. One of these is clearly of the gable-head clasp-nail
type. On the others, and the one fragment, the head is not as well
defined, but is probably of the gable type.
The nails are essentially straight, with the exception of one
example bent at approximate centre to about a 45 degree angle. The tip
segment is then curved slightly in the opposite direction and slightly
twisted. Lengths are 56.0 mm to 83.0 mm, widths 4.1 mm to 6.4 mm, and
thicknesses 4.3 mm to 6.3 mm. The fragment is 4.6 mm wide and 3.9 mm
thick. Heads are 6.5 mm to 11.5 mm long, 5.1 mm to 7.9 mm wide, and 3.0
mm to 4.7 mm thick.
Flat-Head Cut Nails. Sub-groups are particularly difficult to
classify because of rusting and the adhesion of wood. Consequently, the
following classifications might be modified after cleaning.
Group 1 (Figure 48 b) . Five essentially complete examples range in
length from 25.0 mm to 71.0 mm, in width from 3.1 mm to 5.5 mm, and in
thickness from 1.8 mm to 5.0 mm. Heads are 6.0 mm to 9.6 mm long, 3.6 mm
to 7.4 mm wide, and 2.0 mm to 3.5 mm thick. Five fragments have a width
range of 4.3 mm to 5.7 mm and thickness of 3.4 mm to 5.0 mm. Heads are
7.1 mm to 9.7 mm long, 4.5 mm to 5.7 mm wide, and 2.5 mm to 3.0 mm thick.
The two longest complete nails show very slight bending; the others
of both categories are essentially straight. At least two examples
clearly show adhering wood fragments, presumably the remains of the wood
into which they were driven. The grain of this wood runs perpendicular
to the shank of the nails.
Group 2 (Figure 48 c, d). Thirteen essentially complete examples
were recovered, of which seven are large and six small. Overall size
range is: length 25.6 mm to 67.0 mm, width 2.8 mm to 5.5 mm, and
thickness 2.8 mm to 5.0 mm. Head dimensions are: length 4.7 mm to 10.1
mm, width 4.5 mm to 8.3 mm, and thickness 1.6 mm to 3.0 mm.
Most nails are essentially straight, but one of the large examples
has a slight bend about two-thirds of the distance from head to tip, and
one of the small examples has a slight bend at about the middle of the
shank. One large example has been split and separated, apparently along
a lamination of the original metal sheet. The split runs through the
head and for almost one-quarter the length of the shaft. Another small
example (not enumerated above) has been completely split. It is 35.4 mm
long, 5.9 mm wide, and the present thickness is 2.4 mm.
Four headed fragments were recovered. Width ranges from 4.8 mm to
6.8 mm and thickness from 2.9 mm to 4.3 mm. Heads are 6.5 mm to 8.3 mm
long, 5.5 mm to 6.6 mm wide, and 1.9 mm to 4.0 mm thick. Again wood
grain appears on several Group 2 nails.
Group 3 (Figure 48 e). Six essentially complete examples range in
length from 24.3 mm to 66.0 mm, in width from 2.9 mm to 4.1 mm, and in
thickness from 2.3 mm to 4.0 mm. Heads are 5.1 mm to 7.8 mm long, 4.6 mm
to 7.1 mm wide, and 1.4 mm to 3.5 mm thick. One example is bent at about
a 45 degree angle approximately three-quarters of the distance from head
to tip; another is bent at about a 30 degree angle approximately
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two-thirds of the distance from head to tip.
Five fragments were also recovered, 4.0 mm to 6.0 mm in width, 3.5
mm to 5.3 mm in thickness. Heads are 6.6 mm to 9.2 mm long, 5.0 mm to
8.2 mm wide, and 2.5 mm to 4.2 mm thick. One fragment is bent once a
short distance below the head and again near the break.
Cut Nail Fragments (Figure 48 f). Nine fragments were recovered,
ranging in width between 2.9 mm and 5.7 mm and in thickness between 2.7
mm and 5.2 mm. Two examples have heads remaining, but of quite
indeterminate form. About three are medial fragments and four tip
fragments. Two examples show slight bending towards the broken tip, and
one example is curved throughout its remaining length.
Wire (Round) Nails.
Four essentially complete round nails (Figure 48 g) were recovered,
ranging in length from 50.0 mm to 54.6 mm and in diameter from 2.6 mm to
3.3 mm. Heads are all flattened and rounded, approximately 6.7 mm to 8.1
mm in diameter and 2.2 mm to 2.5 mm thick. Two examples are slightly
longer than the other two and essentially straight. Considerable wood
adheres to two of these nails, with the grain perpendicular to the shank.
One example has a slight bend at about the middle. Another has
about a 90 degree bend approximately one-third the distance from head to
tip, and it appears to have been clenched.
These nails may be intrusive into the site, possibly derived
recently from fencing. All were recovered relatively near surface.
However, wood-grain on two examples appears very similar to that on the
cut nails, suggesting that they may belong with the Metis occupation.
Wire nails would theoretically not have been available at this time.
(Nelson 1968)
Miscellaneous Hardware
Washer and Tack (Figure 48 h). A small washer and tack or rivet
appear to be made of copper or copper alloy. The washer is bisected by a
scratched line running from edge to edge near, but not quite at, the
centre. On the opposite surface, where the tack shank protrudes, there
is a concentric incision, separating the surface area into two
approximately equal concentric rings or "doughnuts." The washer is 9.4
mm in diameter and 1.7 mm thick. The tack or rivet is 9.5 mm long and
2.5 mm in diameter. Function of this example is uncertain.
Screw (Figure 48 i). The single example is a conventional
flat-headed, slotted wood screw, with head tapering fairly abruptly to
the shank, and thread beginning about half way between the head and tip.
Length is 25.4 mm, diameter of head 8.3 mm, and diameter at the thread
5.2 mm.
Iron Rivet Head? A piece of ferrous metal may have been pierced
with a rivet or nail, but it is extensively rusted and the original form
is uncertain. Diameter is 14.9 mm and present thickness 4.0 mm.
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Washer or Finial Fragment? (Figure 48 j). This object may be half
of an iron washer. However, although the outside curve is essentially
regular for most of the remaining circumference, an enlargement near the
break suggests that this may rather be part of a finial or "stemmed"
object of some sort, possibly a small pot-lug. Present maximum diameter
obtainable on the regular-shaped part is 23.8 mm, diameter of the
perforation is 5.25 mm, and thickness of the metal is 1.8 mm.
Metal Clasp or Retainer (Figure 48 k). One probably tin-plated
object may be some sort of clasp or retainer. A band of sheet metal has
been bent around a rod with a presumed diameter of about 4.2 mm. Wings
or leaves extend to both sides of the resulting semi-cylinder, and these
wings have probably been broken at the ends. Width of the band is 16.3
mm.
HOUSEHOLD, BUSINESS. AND PERSONAL MAINTENANCE
Earthenware
Plain White Glazed Earthenware.
Two body sherds of plain glazed earthenware were recovered (Figure
49 a), comparable to examples described in previous sections. The sherds
are thick and are slightly crazed on both surfaces. Lengths are 19.6 mm
and 20.0 mm, widths 10.4 mm and 20.0 mm, and thicknessess 5.2 mm and 5.7
mm.
Monochrome Underglaze Transfer-Printed Ware
Copeland Earthenware with Blue "Grapevine" Pattern (Figure 49 b).
One very small body sherd is comparable to examples recovered from Cabin
1. Thickness is 4.3 mm. The grapevine design appears on the inside, but
not enough of the vessel remains to reconstruct its form. Color is 5PB
6/10. Sussman (1979a:237) dates this ware at later than 1847, but no
official name or pattern number is known.
Copeland Earthenware with "Flower Vase" Pattern? (Figure 49 c). One
rim sherd, 32.0 mm long, 29.0 mm wide, and 5.0 mm thick, is fairly dark
"flowed" blue in color (5PB 6/10). Design appears only on the inside and
is probably "Flower Vase," which was made from approximately 1828 to the
twentieth century (Sussman 1979a:115, Figure 124).
Copeland Earthenware with B 700 Pattern? (Figure 49 d). A very
small rim sherd, 3.0 mm thick, has a honeycomb design on the inside only,
perhaps B 700, made from approximately 1838 to after 1847 (Sussman
1979a :64, Figure 64). Again there is no known pattern book name for this
design. Color is 5PB 6/10.
One additional body sherd of the same general ware was recovered,
but with very little color remaining, and no way of identifying the
pattern.
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Copeland Earthenware with Blue "Meander" Pattern (Figure 49 e). A
single rim sherd, 47.0 mm long, 30.0 mm wide, and 6.4 mm thick, has a
plain white glaze on the outside, and on the inside a long ribbon and
flower design. A "grain"-like design runs just under the plain border.
Vessel form is probably a fairly large bowl, with a reconstructed
diameter of 154.0 mm. Color is 10PH 4/6 (or 7.5PH 4/6). This is the
"Meander" pattern appearing in the W. T. Copeland and Sons 1882 catalogue
(Sussman 1 979a : 1 48, Figure 158).
Glassware
Green Glass Bottle Fragment (Figure 49 f). A single fragment of
medium-green glass is part of a bottle, with portions of the neck finish
remaining. Length is 37.3 mm, width 18.0 mm, and thickness 5.8 mm.
Color is approximately 7.5GY 7/6.
Mirror or Window Glass Fragments (Figure 49 g) . Two fragments are
similar to examples from Cabin 2, General. They may be mirror or window
glass, but since no traces of silvering are apparent, the latter is
perhaps more probable. Lengths of fragments are 17.6 mm and 20.0 mm,
widths 15.2 mm and 23.0 mm, and thicknesses 1.6 mm and 1.7 mm. Color is
too light to be accurately measured.
Sheet Metal Artifacts
Tin Can Lids (Figure 49 h). Two generally round, thin objects
appear to be the tops of small cans, likely removed with openers. One is
made of fairly heavy tin-plate (Figure 49 h), with a deep embossed ridge
that runs concentrically about a third of the way from the edge to the
centre. Something at the approximate centre of the can is possibly a
solder seal. Tin-plate appears more clearly on the concave side of the
ridge, but the lid is otherwise heavily corroded. No signs of stamping
or other identifying marks appear. Diameter of the cut lid is 79.2 mm
and thickness 3.7 mm.
The second example lacks this ridge and appears to have been flat.
There is, however, a slight folded area near the edge that looks like the
remains of lead solder. Diameter is 80.0 mm and thickness 2.0 mm.
Tin-Plate or Iron Fragments (Figure 49 i). Five fragments of sheet
ferrous metal were recovered, and some appear to be tin-plate. These may
be fragments of boxes or other containers. Two examples are narrow
bands, one bent at about the middle. However, this bend may be
fortuitous. A somewhat larger, thicker section may also be tin-plate,
but it is heavily rusted. It is slightly bent along the short axis to
form a sort of trough.
Metal Foil (Figure 49 j). Ten metal foil fragments, apparently
lead, may again have been related to containers used for tea. Size
ranges are: length 23.3 mm to 108.9 mm, width 11.7 mm to 56.5 mm, and
thickness of metal 0.2 mm to 0.3 mm. Because of breaking and folding
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throughout the sample, however, measurements are of little significance,
although figures for thickness generally reflect the dimension of a
single sheet of the foil.
Bone Shaving Brush Handle
This artifact (Figure 50 a) consists of a bell-shaped bone or antler
cup with a raised rim on the outside of the mouth and threading on the
inside. The walls of the cup are thin. This was apparently the bristle
end of a shaving brush, the handle portion of which has been eroded or
broken away.
Length of the remaining section is 18.0 mm, diameter also 18.0 mm,
and thickness 2.0 mm. Fragments of an apparently similar brush were
recovered from the 1835 to 1861 Hudson's Bay post at Rocky Mountain house
(Steer, Rogers, and Lutick 1979:198, Figure 142 d, e).
Knife Inlay Fragment?
This fragment (Figure 50 b) is of uncertain function but may be the
shell cover or inlay from a clasp knife or jacknife. The form is an
elongated rectangle of mother-of-pearl shell that has been stepped down
for about half its length to approximately two-thirds of its maximum
width. Just to the wide side of centre is a single perforation 3.1 mm in
diameter, perhaps for the rivet that went through the knife casing. The
object is broken at the narrower end. Length is 22.7 mm, width 8.0 mm,
and thickness 1 .0 mm.
Hard Rubber Comb Fragments
Two "louse" comb teeth (Figure 50 c) are similar to examples
described from Cabin 2 General, and are presumably also made from
"vulcanite." Lengths are 21.5 mm and 26.1 mm, widths 3.0 mm and 4.9 mm,
and thicknesses 0.8 mm and 0.6 mm. Again they would seems generally
consistent with the virtually complete comb recovered from Cabin 4
(Chapter VII, page 175).
TRANSPORTATION
Leather Fragments
Five fragments of leather (Figure 50 d) are all of apparent strap
form, enlongated and with various indications of perforations. Present
incomplete length ranges between 33.7 mm and 146.6 mm, width between 16.3
mm and 21.1 mm, and thickness between 3.2 mm and 4.0 mm.
The longest example (Figure 50 d) has at least one perforation in
about the centre longitudinally. Shorter examples have some evidence of
serration or chewing at the ends, which may also indicate perforation,
although the suggestion is actually of multiple perforations, which would
seem odd. These leather fragments may be associated with harness, and
therefore are provisionally placed in the transportation category.
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DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION
Cloth Fragments
Two small fragments of tightly woven silk cloth were recovered
(Figure 50 e, f). Schweger's analysis (Appendix I) indicates:
. . . identical yarn and fabric structure. Warp and weft
yarns can be positively identified due to the presence of
selvage edges on one edge. . . .
The fold lines indicate that the one inch wide fabric
strip, ribbon, or seam binding was folded twice so as to be
a 4-layered 1/4 " wide fabric strip. It was folded on the
length-wise grain, that is, in the direction of the warp
yarns. The fabric was knotted after it was folded. The
knots that remain are of particular interest since the knots
are the means of holding the fabric in the thick,
four-layered narrow strip. That each of the two specimens
contains these knots leads one to suggest that these
fragments originally came from one textile object that was
placed in the refuse pile. Since only one selvage can be
located, it can not be definitely stated as to whether the
1" fabric strip is actually a ribbon or tape or if it is a
fabric strip ripped an inch from a selvage edge.
The warp yarns are 2-ply brown (at least at present) yarn
made up of 10-12 silk fibers, 5 to 6 fibers making up each
singles yarn. This silk warp yarn may be equivalent to the
silk yarns today called organzin. It is a silk yarn,
manufactured for use as warp, which is made up of two or
more threads of silk that have been lightly twisted together
.... The weft yarns are green and of larger diameter.
They appear to be single ply. While one could speculate
that the weft is of "tram" (a common silk weft yarn that
unites two or more singles but is very loosely spun), this
is not the case if the weft yarn is only single ply.
Further investigation could demonstrate whether the weft is
what is called "thrown silk" or grege, two terms which are
applied when two or more filaments of raw silk are reeled
together and given a slight twist.
The fabrics are plain, unbalanced weaves with 65-68
threads per cm in the warp and 34 threads per cm in the
weft. This evidence could aid future researchers in
determining whether these two fabric artifacts represent a
commercial type of narrow tape or braid that was available
for use at Buffalo Lake.
Present over-all size of one fragment is 43.1 mm by 9.8 mm by 4.9
mm, but these measurements are clearly of little significance.
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Buttons
Group I Glass Button
Type 4, Glass Button (Figure 50 g) . This is a small sew-through
button made of milk glass. Four holes appear in a deep well on one
surface. This side as a whole is shaped as a truncated cone. The
opposite side is slightly convex, but again with a much shallower
depression in the centre. The convex side of the button is an iridescent
white overall; the conical side is dark in color except within the "well"
itself. Diameter is 11.4 mm and thickness 4.8 mm. The deeper "well" is
about 6.0 mm in diameter, and the holes are about 1.5 mm in diameter.
This is presumably a shirt or blouse button.
Group II, Shell Buttons
Type 5, Shell Button (Figure 50 h). One sew-through button is made
of shell with the iridescent mother-of-pearl appearing on one surface, a
dull finish on the other. Two holes are well centred and set in a small
circular depression or "well" in the middle of the button, defined by an
incised ring. Sculpturing is much more apparent than on other shell
examples from Cabin 1 and Cabin 2. Diameter is 13.3 mm, thickness 3.3
mm, and the diameter of the well is 7.0 mm. Holes are approximately 1.2
mm in diameter. Although this button resembles Type 1 or 2 from Cabin 3
in some respects, it is sufficiently different to be distinguished by a
separate type number.
Type 6, Shell Button (Figure 50 i). A second plain white shell
example, again comparable to but distinct from Type 1 or 2 examples from
Cabin 3, is extremely small and flat. It has two reasonably well-centred
holes but no sculpturing. Diameter is 8.3 mm and thickness 1.6 mm.
Holes are less than 1.0 mm in diameter. Both these shell buttons were
presumably worn on blouses or shirts.
Group III. Bone Buttons
Type 1 , Bone Buttons (Figure 50 j , k). One sew-through bone button
(Figure 50 j) has four holes and symmetrical machine sculpturing. This
turning has formed a rounded rim, set off by means of a fairly deep
incised concentric ring from a relatively deep, regular depression or
"well" containing the perforations. At the centre of this well is a
slight irregular depression, probably the mark of the turning tool. The
back of the button is slightly convex. Diameter is 19.2 mm, thickness
2.4 mm, and diameter of the depression 13.2 mm. Holes are approximately
2.0 mm in diameter.
A second four-hole bone button (Figure 50 k) is slightly smaller
than the above, but otherwise very similar. Diameter is 17.0 mm,
thickness is 2.2 mm, and the diameter of the well is 11.8 mm. The holes
are again about 2.0 mm in diameter. Color is a dark walnut brown.
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Type 5, Bone Button (Figure 50 1). A third example is similar in
some respects, intermediate in size between the previous two. Again it
has four holes about 1.7 mm in diameter, but the rim and the depression
or well are not defined by an incised ring as on the previous examples.
Diameter is 18.0 mm and thickness 2.0 mm. A small mark from the turning
tool again appears at the centre of the concave side. This button is
given a separate type number than those found in Cabin 3.
Group IV, Metal Button
Type 4a. "Birdcage" Button (Figure 50 m) . This heavily corroded
iron button has four holes in a central depression or well. The back of
the button opposite this concave well is reciprocally convex. Diameter
is 12.8 mm, thickness 1.2 mm, and diameter of the depression about 7.6
mm. The holes are approximately 1.5 mm in diameter. This button is
similar to Type 4a examples from Cabin 3, but smaller.
Beads
Small Drawn Tubular Beads
Cornaline d'Aleppo Beads (Figure 51 a). Cornaline d'Aleppo beads
have an exterior and core of different colors. In four examples from the
Cabin 2 Refuse Pit, the exterior is a dark brick red and the core a
fairly opaque-looking white. This may be a generally later variety in
this area, since comparable examples from early fur trade sites (ca.
1790s to early 1800s) have a dark green translucent core. These beads
were probably made from drawn tubes, but ones in which both colors of
glass had been juxtaposed, using one of at least two known methods, prior
to drawing and cutting.
These beads are of generally "intermediate" size, smaller than
"pony" (Conn 1968, 1969), with diameter ranging from 2.7 mm to 3.1 mm and
length from 1.5 mm to 2.6 mm. Apertures are less than 1.0 mm in
diameter. The color of the exterior red appears to be 5R 4/6 or 5R 3/6.
Small Blue Glass Beads (Figure 51 b) . Forty-six examples are mostly
very small "seeds" beads, ranging, however, into the so-called
"intermediate" group (2.0 mm to 3.0 mm; Conn 1968, 1969). Diameter
ranges from 1.8 mm to 2.8 mm and length from 0.9 mm to 2.2 mm. The
apertures were not determined individually, but most are presumably less
than 1.0 mm. Color varies somewhat through the sample from dark blue (35
examples) to blue-grey (11 examples), but in part this may be owing to
chemical action in the earth. An approximate value of 10B 3/6 on the
dark blue and 10B 7/2 on the light blue examples was obtained.
Small Green Glass Bead (Figure 51 c). One "seed" bead is
essentially the same as the blue beads above, but of a green color.
Diameter is 1.6 mm and length 1.0 mm. Aperture was not precisely
determined, but it is less than 1.0 mm. Color is approximately 10GY 4/4.
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Large Glass Beads
Dark Blue Glass Spherical Bead (Figure 51 d). This bead, probably
wound, is a very dark blue, with some discoloration or iridescence,
however. It is generally round, but with some flattening of the aperture
ends. Diameter is 9.4 mm and length 7.5 mm. The aperture measures 2.2
mm. The color is too dark to be accurately classified.
Blue Glass Spherical Bead Fragment (Figure 51 e). A single
fragmentary round bead, apparently wound, is somewhat darker than robin's
egg blue. It is in the smaller size range of the larger beads. The
diameter is 7.4 mm and the length 6.0 mm. The aperture is approximately
1.4 mm, and color registers 7.5B 4/8.
Robin's Egg Blue Glass Spherical Bead (Figure 51 f). This example
is smaller than those preceding and unfacetted, although it has what
appears to be a slight eguatorial rim. Manufacturing method is
uncertain, but it may be wound. The glass is a slightly white-clouded
robin's egg blue, registering 5BG 6/2. Diameter is 5.8 mm and length 5.0
mm. The aperture is 1.6 mm at one end, tapering down to the other.
Blue-Green Glass Spherical Bead Fragments. Two fragments, possibly
from a single example, are probably comparable to the above, but have
largely disintegrated.
Blue Glass Facetted Bead (Figure 51 g). A single bead is of the
variety sometimes inaccurately called "Russian" blue or "Hudson's Bay."
It is relatively large and multiply facetted, of a generally short
rectanguloid or tubular form. Length is 5.6 mm and diameter 5.7 mm.
Perforation as determined with calipers is 3.1 mm.
Presumably this bead was manufactured by sectioning blown tubing and
subseguently grinding the facets. Color is 7.5PB 2/8.
Green Glass Facetted Bead Fragment (Figure 51 h). This fairly large
bead is medium to light green in color, oval in form, and rather roughly
facetted. It has been split down the middle. Diameter is 10.0 mm and
length 14.0 mm. The aperture is slightly more than 1.0 mm in diameter.
Color appears to be 5G 6/10. Probably this bead was pressed or moulded,
although this is not entirely clear from the cross-section.
Clear Glass Facetted Bead (Figure 51 i). One medium-sized,
generally round example is a somewhat irregularly facetted bead of clear
glass. A slight eguatorial rim is apparent where the facets converge.
Diameter is 8.4 mm and length 7.4 mm. The perforation is relatively
large at one end, 2.6 mm by calipers, tapering down, however, to the
other end. This bead was probably pressed or moulded.
Ring Stone
A single large round cabochon or unfacetted stone was recovered
(Figure 51 j). It is made of clear glass with no other distinguishing
- 165 -
marks, such as the impressions that appear on some comparable examples
from earlier sites. Diameter is 14.5 mm and thickness 6.4 mm. The stone
is flat on the base, with rounded edges and a domed centre, the height of
which is a little less than half the diameter. This was presumably a
stone for a fairly massive ring, perhaps a cuff-link, or possibly a
button.
NATIVE INDUSTRIES
Chipped Stone
Projectile Points (Figure 51 k, 1). One positive example was
recovered (Figure 51 k), a small side-notched point made of a reddish
chalcedony resembling "Knife River flint." The point has a short blade
and is fairly roughly chipped. Length is 16.5 mm, width 12.3 mm, and
thickness 3.7 mm.
A second example (Figure 51 1) may be the tip of a small triangular
point, even more roughly made of a reddish microcrystal 1 ine stone.
Length of the fragment is 15.5 mm, width 13.7 mm, and thickness 4.4 mm.
This might be merely a worked flake.
Stone Fragments. Five stone chips were recovered, although one of
these may be a tiny fragment of gunflint. Quartz, quartzite, and chert
are represented. A small brown quartzite flake, not clearly retouched,
is 18.0 mm long, 17.0 mm wide, and 4.5 mm thick. A second example, of
quartz, might be classified as a core. It is 67.7 mm long, 44.6 mm wide,
and 26.4 mm thick.
FAUNAL MATERIALS FROM CABIN 2
As in Cabin 1, the general area of Cabin 2 contained a number of
large mammal bone fragments, many of which were probably bison (Bison
bison). (Table 14, Appendix III, enumerates the identifiable and
unidentifiable bone and indicates its distribution).
Identified mammal bone consisted of possible snowshoe hare ( Lepus
americanus) . Birds were Snow Goose (Chen caerolescens) and a member of
the Order Passeriformes , Family Icteridae, about the size of a Yellow
Headed Blackbird. One wood frog bone was also recovered.
Specific to the Refuse Pit of Cabin 2 were bison (Bison bison) t
snowshoe hare (Lepus americanus, two individuals minimum), and muskrat
(Ondatra zibethicus, two individuals minimum). Additional medium-sized
or small mammal bones were recovered including examples of approximately
deer size and approximately dog size.
Birds consisted of Canada Goose (Branta canadensis), possible
Sharp-Tailed Grouse (Pedioceter phasianel los) , and additional
unidentified species. Undentified fish was also recovered.
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DISTRIBUTIONS IN CABIN 2
Distribution of artifacts and faunal materials is represented in
Tables 13 and 14, Appendix III. This distribution was plotted on the
ground plan of Cabin 2. The cabin as a whole and its immediate environs
were divided into six sub-areas, the boundaries of which, as in Cabin 1,
were assigned fairly arbitrarily and by grid directions. These areas
were designated: Cabin 2 General, Cabin 2 West, Feature 1, The Fireplace,
Feature 2, The Refuse Pit, Cabin 2 East, and (large) Depression.
Grid locations are again represented as for Cabin 1. References to
"Cuts" in the Feature 2, Refuse Pit, area are given according to the
somewhat different excavation procedure employed here, but are probably
of limited significance, since the Refuse Pit appears to have constituted
a homogeneous unit.
Because of the uncertainties of features and wall-lines,
distributions within Cabin 2 may lack even the qualified significance of
distributions in Cabin 1. The exception is Feature 2, The Refuse Pit,
where a fairly clearly discrete assemblage was recovered. Provisionally,
however, materials obtained from horizontally and vertically near this
pit fill during the 1970-71 excavations are listed under Cabin 2 West
rather than Refuse Pit.
As in Cabin 1, artifacts and bone were much more fully represented
in the western portion of the hypothetical structure, and in particular
in and in proximity to the Refuse Pit. Again, this may to some extent
reflect the concentration of the excavations.
Again, a clearly identified fireplace existed in this western
segment, but in the boundary area and possibly just to the east of a
division. The terrain, however, was sloping, and although a rock pile
occurred on the east lip of the large (cellar?) depression, the
structural specifics of this area were very unclear.
Again, clearly significant distributions of specific artifacts were
not discerned. The heavy concentration of lead shot and beads in the
Refuse Pit may be in part an "artifact" of the excavation methods
employed .
All clearly forged nails were found in Cabin 2 West and related
features, as well as all doubtful examples. Twelve of the 96 cut nails,
however, were found in Cabin 2 East, where only 13 artifacts altogether
occurred. The significance is questionable.
Earthenware occurred only in the western section, divided about
equally between Cabin 2 West and the Refuse Pit. Glass, however, was
concentrated outside the pit. Buttons, and, as previously indicated,
beads, were heavily concentrated in the Refuse Pit. The likelihood that
discovery in this pit represents purposeful disposal rather than loss may
give these data some significance.
Although the Refuse Pit may represent a "primary" disposal during
occupation of the cabin, it is also possible that it was a storage pit
converted to "secondary" disposal after the structure as a whole, or that
part of it, was abandoned (Schiffer 1977:19). This probably cannot be
determined at the present time. Nor is there evidence in Cabin 2 for
"de-facto" refuse directly reflecting abandonment behavior (Schiffer
1977:24).
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Examination of distributions within Cabin 2 West or its immediate
environs revealed a few suggestive concentrations. Flat glass was
concentrated outside the hypothetical south and north walls of the
structure, suggesting the use of windows (rather than skin or parchment
coverings as D'Artigue suggested). Furthermore, the two concentrations
were more or less opposite one another near the western extremity.
Metal foil appeared to be concentrated in the Refuse Pit and between
this pit and the north wall of the building. Beads were concentrated in
and between the Refuse Pit and the south wall of the building. In the
latter area, however, a meticulous excavator was at work, and this may
account for the distribution.
Bone was heavily concentrated in the Refuse Pit, where most
identifiable specimens were found, including all clearly identified bison
(9 pieces) and snowshoe hare (28 pieces). Otherwise bone showed no
particular concentration, except that it appeared as prevalent, or more
so, inside the cabin as immediately outside. Again, we may presume that
"secondary" disposal of the large bones would have taken place outside
the excavated area.
The two nearly neighboring cabins, Cabin 1 and 2, might be compared
on the basis of (1) functional categories, (2) specific artifact groups,
and (3) styles or types.
Altogether, 763 artifacts were recovered from Cabin 2 and only 163
from Cabin 1, but much of the difference is made up by lead shot. As a
consequence, Hunting is heavily represented in Cabin 2, but clearly this
is a result of the Refuse Pit concentration of shot, in combination with
different excavation and recovery techniques.
Construction and Domestic categories are reasonably close at the two
locations. Clothing and Ornament, however, is heavily weighted at Cabin
2, again in part because of the Refuse Pit concentration of beads.
Native Industries are much more prevalent at Cabin 2.
For comparative purposes, and as a possible index to the importance
of activities on the site, functional categories are ranked in Table 17,
Appendix III, individually for each cabin and for the two cabins combined.
Comparison of specific artifact groups produced few discrepancies
that cannot be accounted for through differing excavation techniques.
Forged nails are much more numerous in Cabin 1, however, and cut nails
with hand-made heads are slightly more numerous, suggesting the
possibility of greater age or differing function. These forged nails,
along with spun-back buttons, give a somewhat archaic flavor to the Cabin
1 assemblage.
Earthenware is also predominant in Cabin 1 by more than three
times. Categories such as metal foil and louse comb teeth appear only in
Cabin 2, but may represent only one or two initial artifacts.
Style of earthenware varies between the two cabins, but no more than
would be expected given personal preferences, the large range of
available patterns at the time, and the apparently large and diverse
number of traders to draw on for supplies.
In short, no demonstrable and statistically significant artifact
differences can be pointed to that distinguish the two cabins in terms of
time or function. This is borne out by Kooyman's analysis of the faunal
materials (Appendix II).
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How does the ranking indicated square with the documentary data and
with a general conception of Metis life?
The first four categories in the combined Cabin 1 and Cabin 2
ranking would seem reasonable in terms of basic and less basic
subsistence strategies. Transportation, however, primarily the horse, is
surprisingly under-represented in terms of its clear historic importance
in the bison hunt and in reaching and supplying the seasonal
settlements. Transportation goods such as horse-harness were more
prevalent at the Kajewski site in the Cypress Hills (Elliott
1971:182-183). Possibly, as in some fur trade contexts, horses were kept
at considerable distance from the main residential settlement, or from
this part of it.
Secondly, Native Industry, primarily chipped stone, is perhaps
surprising in being present at all. Occurrence at several cabins at both
Buffalo Lake and the Kajewski site (Elliott 1971:178-182. 212-219;
Bonnichsen 1967:3-4) suggests that this category is not invariably
fortuitous, occasioned, for example, by mixing of prehistoric material in
recent fill. In some cases, however, such as in Cabin 4 (Chapter VII),
it may not be associated with the Metis occupations.
CABIN 2, DISCUSSION
Much of what has been said about Cabin 1 applies also to Cabin 2.
Despite some differences in geographical situation, some quantitative
differences in artifact groups, and differences in ranking of artifact
classes, there is no clear indication of functional specialization.
Again a residence is presumed, at least for Cabin 2 West, and this
assumption is supported to a degree by the suggestion of glass windows on
either side of the room. Dimensions of this residence were not as
clearly defined as those of Cabin 1, but there is some suggestion that
the sizes of at least the west units were almost identical.
Based on estimated width and hypothetical length of the west unit, a
floor area of approximately 200 square feet (18.58 m2) is estimated for
this part of the structure, half the total estimate for Cabin 1. Again
the distribution of artifacts and bone within the wall lines would
suggest an earth floor. However, it is probable that the Refuse Pit was
covered with flooring or a lid, although no clear evidence persists.
Again as in Cabin 1, the identity and specific form of the eastern
section is in doubt. Lack of artifacts and the presence of a very large
depression, however, might suggest a storeroom with a cellar. An
in-house meat storage area is again a possibility, perhaps supported by
the large depression. Again, however, there is some suggestion of a
fi replace.
A major distinction between Cabin 1 and Cabin 2 was the occurrence
of pits in the latter, two of which would appear to have been inside the
structure. Possibly the somewhat higher ground at Cabin 2 would have
encouraged the digging of cellars, which might have been more readily
flooded in the Cabin 1 locality.
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The Cabin 2 pattern is generally congruent with that of other Metis
cabins excavated: one or two interior pits complemented by exterior
depressions. At the Kajewski site in the Cypress Hills, Elliott
(1971:25) reports that each cabin area consisted of the structure proper,
along with at least three exterior pits located at least six feet from
the cabins. Although the evidence is not clear at Cabin 2, either type
of pit may have been initially dug for clay borrow, later used for
storage or as a cellar, and ultimately used for refuse disposal.
Again no evidence of duration or season of residence is available
for Cabin 2, but again the best potential indicator, the fireplace, was
even less thoroughly explored than the similar feature at Cabin 1. Such
exploration in the future might provide some evidence for seasonal
rejuventation, such as was found elsewhere at this and at the Cypress
Hills Metis Site.
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CHAPTER VII
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA, CABIN 4
The location of Cabin 4 (Figure 4) was discovered by Doll in 1974
while conducting a general survey of the Metis site in order to produce a
map. It was noted that the buried portion of the cabin had suffered
extensive damage from cultivation. Remaining identifiable features
consisted of a small mound and a few small depressions, out of which grew
a thick clump of willows.
According to the landowners, this cluster of features had been
identified as historically significant and the ground around it had been
cultivated without much further disturbance for over half a century.
More than 80 cabin locations had been identified, many of which had
much greater potential to yield architectural information. During the
1982 field season, however, an emergency situation arose that made it
necessary to salvage what remained of Cabin 4 before it was destroyed by
brush-clearing and breaking operations. Consequently, an intensive
systematic survey of the specific area was immediately undertaken. No
other cabin was found.
With the decision to salvage Cabin 4, plans that had been made for
the excavation of Cabin 5 were postponed.
EXCAVATIONS AT CABIN 4
Excavation of Cabin 4 was initiated under Research Permit, Project
82-27. In addition, because the excavations were taking place on private
land, permission to proceed was obtained from Mr. Ron Rider.
Approximately 58 1/2 person-days were spent in June and July of 1982,
surveying, clearing, excavating, and mapping Cabin 4.
Cabin 4 (Figures 4, 52) was approximately 420 feet (128.02 metres)
east and 1,609 feet (490.42 metres) north of the site datum located at
the northeast corner of LSD 14, Section 11, Township 41, Range 20 west of
the Fourth Meridian. Cabin 4 was located approximately 1,834 feet
(559.00 metres) to the north and 500 feet (152.40 metres) to the east of
Cabin 3.
A grid consisting of two-metre square units was established,
oriented to true north, 23° 24' east of magnetic north (Figure 53).
Stakes were designated according to distance and direction from an
arbitrary point 0, and excavation units were named according to the
designation of the stake in their northwest corner. This grid extended
16 metres north-south and 14 metres east-west.
Excavations were conducted generally with the use of trowel and
dustpan, but other methods, such as shovel-shaving, were employed in
particular circumstances. The fill was screened through one-quarter inch
mesh, with finer mesh employed to recover beads, microf ossi 1 s , and
seeds. Fill was removed by strata of deposition, but in addition, a
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series of arbitrary 10 centimetre levels were maintained when deep
cultural deposits, such as cellars, were encountered.
THE FEATURES OF CABIN 4
Seven cultural features were designated (Figure 53).
Feature 1 , Large Pit.
Feature 1 (Figures 53, 54) was a large exterior depression or pit,
with a depth of approximately 49 inches (124.5 cm). Few artifacts were
found in this feature other than a few machine-cut nails. The bottom
portion of the pit cut through pockets of clay, and it appears to have
been a borrow-pit to obtain clay to plaster the adjacent north wall and
fireplace of the cabin. It may subsequently have been used as a storage
pit.
Feature 2, The Fireplace .
Feature 2 was a mound, which, when excavated, turned out to be the
remains of a fireplace (Figure 53). Although all the cobbles had been
removed in the 1920's, portions of the firebox and apron remained. As in
the more nearly complete fireplace excavated in Cabin 3 (Chapter IV), the
firebox in Cabin 4 was stratified. Four layers of ash, separated by
layers of clay, were found. Since historical records show that some mud
chimneys were replastered seasonally (see Coues 1897; Elliott 1971:27),
there is a strong suggestion of four winters of occupation at this cabin.
Feature 3, Storage Pit.
Feature 3 was an exterior pit, approximately 3.80 feet (1.16 m)
deep, located adjacent to the proposed door of the cabin, along the south
wall (Figures 53, 55 a, b). This pit appears to have been used for
"clean" storage, as it was cribbed and lined with bark (Figure 55 a, b).
Again, few artifacts were recovered. Owing to the lack of concentrated
clay deposits, it is doubtful that this was ever a borrow-pit for clay
plaster. Rather it may have been intended solely as a storage pit,
possibly an ice-house for food storage.
Feature 4, Wall Line.
Feature 4 was a clay ridge covering bits of burned and rotted log.
This feature represented what little was left of the north wall of the
cabin, preserved and delineated by clay mud-plaster from the fireplace
and from the walls. The fireplace appears to have been located half way
along this north wall. The northwest corner of the structure was located
approximately 10 feet (3.05 m) west of the centre point of the fireplace,
suggesting an east-west width of 20 feet (6.1 m) for the cabin.
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Feature 5, Pit.
Feature 5 was an interior depression which appears to have served
first as a borrow-pit for mud-plaster and second as a storage pit (Figure
53). Third, it appears to have been used as a refuse pit. Many of the
small number of artifacts excavated from Cabin 4 were found in this
feature.
Feature 6, Pit.
Feature 6 was another exterior depression (Figure 53), located west
of, and adjacent to, Feature 1. It also appears to have been a
borrow-pit that subsequently slumped after partial filling as a refuse
pit. The depth of this pit was 3.94 feet (1.20 m) , which was below the
1982 water-table.
Feature 7, Ash Dump.
Feature 7 was a small ash dump, approximately 16 inches (40.64 cm)
in diameter. It was located approximately 30 feet (9.14 m) south of the
fireplace and 15 feet (4.57 m) south of the proposed back door on the
south wall of the structure.
Although cultivation had destroyed the remaining corners of the
cabin, a portion of the south wall was found immediately opposite the
fireplace. Part of the interior floor of the cabin was also found,
consisting of a thin layer of very hard-packed clay. There was no
evidence of a plank floor. The distance between the north and south
walls was 26 feet (7.92 m) . There was no evidence for interior
partitions or for additions to the structure.
After the area to the south of the cabin was bulldozed, the major
refuse deposit of Cabin 4 was discovered. Artifacts and faunal remains
were scattered and shallowly buried, most occurring on top of sand
immediately below leaf litter.
THE ARTIFACTS OF CABIN 4
HUNTING
No artifacts in the hunting category were recovered from the
excavated portion of Cabin 4. However, this may be owing in part to the
extensive disturbance by agriculture. As noted later, artifacts in this
category were surface-collected from the bulldozer-disturbed dump that
was associated with this cabin.
CONSTRUCTION. BLACKSMITHING. AND CRAFTS
This category is represented by three machine-cut common nails of
three inch (76.2 mm), two and one-quarter inch (57.15 mm), and one and
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five-eighths inch (41.28 mm) sizes (Figure 56 a); two machine-cut
"T-Head" brads (Figure 56 b); and one machine-cut sprig. In addition,
three possible machine-cut incomplete shanks, one with head attached,
were found. All appear to be fragments of common nails.
HOUSEHOLD, BUSINESS, AND PERSONAL MAINTENANCE
Earthenware
Monochrome Underglaze Transfer-Printed Ware
Vessel 1, Saucer or Shallow Bowl (Figure 56 c). This vessel is
represented by two rim sherds and a small chip. The blue design is found
only on the interior surface of the vessel and is colored 7.5PB 2/8. The
border decoration incorporates the designs used in two patterns
manufactured by Copeland: "Pagoda" and "Macaw" (Sussman 1 979a : 1 46 , 155).
Vessel 2, Small Bowl (Figure 56 d). Five sherds from a small bowl
with projected diameter of 205 mm were recovered from Cabin 4. They fit
several other sherds recovered from the refuse area located outside but
adjacent to this cabin. The blue underglaze transfer-print (7.5PB 2/8)
is applied to the interior surface, forming the pattern known as "Pagoda"
(Sussman 1979a:146, 155).
Glassware
Transparent Bottle Glass (Figure 56 e). A single sherd of
transparent glass from the side panel of a rectangular bottle was
recovered from the base of the firebox in Feature 2. It is covered with
an iridescent patina and measures 39.82 mm by 36.70 mm by 4.14 mm. It
may be part of a patent medicine bottle.
Facetted Glass Pendant (Figure 56 f). A single transparent,
facetted, tear-drop-shaped glass pendant was recovered from Feature 6.
The proximal end is broken, but the remainder is 26.48 mm in length, with
a maximum diameter of 18.08 mm. This may have served as a decoration
suspended from the border of an oil-lamp shade of the type in common
domestic use during the last half of the nineteenth century.
Metal Handle
A heavily oxidized ferrous metal handle (Figure 56 g) from an eating
utensil, or possibly a knife bolster, was recovered from Feature 3. A
small round hole for an attachment pin is located in the middle of the
dorsal surface. The specimen measures 89.06 mm by 24.68 mm by 1.38 mm.
Metal Strap Fragments
Three ferrous metal strap fragments (Figure 56 h) were recovered
from Cabin 4. They measure 30.62 mm by 18.86 mm by 2.90 mm, 13.26 mm by
- 175 -
10.08 mm by 3.54 mm, and 159.28 mm by 29.18 mm by 1.66 mm. One was found
in Feature 3 and two in Feature 5. The specimen from Feature 3 has one
hole punched along the broken distal end. These straps may have served
as reinforcements for a crate or chest. However, all three vary in size
and may have been used on three separate articles.
DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION
Buttons
Group II. Type 1, Shell Button (Figure 56 i). A Group II, Type 1
shell button, 9.34 mm in diameter and 1.19 mm thick, was recovered from
Feature 5. This style and size of button was common on ladies' blouses
and men's shirts.
Group III, Type 1, Bone Button (Figure 56 j). Similar to those from
Cabin 3, this button was also recovered from Feature 5. It is 14.04 mm
in diameter and 3.77 mm thick.
Group IV, Type 5, Metal Button (Figure 56 k). A metal button of
Variety 2, from the same feature, has a face of ferrous metal rather than
brass. It is 16.66 mm in diameter and 3.45 mm thick. Due to heavy
oxidation, the inscription on the back of the button cannot be deciphered.
Hard Rubber Comb
A complete black hard-rubber composition louse comb (Figure 56 1)
was excavated from Feature 5. It measures 76.80 mm in length, 42.00 mm
in width, and 2.06 mm in thickness.
Clasp Fragment
A possible clasp fragment (Figure 56 m) , pressed from thin sheet
brass was recovered from Feature 3. It is in the shape of a horse's head
enclosed by a horse shoe. The specimen, which may have been associated
with an item of clothing, measures 26.28 mm by 17.02 mm by 5.56 mm.
MISCELLANEOUS UNIDENTIFIED OBJECTS
Miscellaneous Clay Object. A piece of partially fired clay with two
round, symmetrical perforations was recovered from Feature 3. The
function of the object, which measures 23.67 mm by 15.84 mm by 4.42 mm,
is uncertain.
NATIVE INDUSTRIES
Chipped Stone
Although stone artifacts were recovered during the excavation of
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Cabin 4, they cannot be shown to be contemporaneous with the historic
occupation. In fact, much of the sample was found clearly associated
with the undisturbed Ah soil horizon upon which Cabin 4 was built. Since
debitage of the same type of stone was mixed with historic material, much
of it as a consequence of recent cultivation, it is suggested that all
stone tools and debitage at this cabin are prehistoric.
The primary activity indicated by the lithic sample appears to have
been biface production. Two biface fragments of burned shale were found,
as well as 41 thinning flakes of the same meterial.
A single unburned grey shale biface fragment and five thinning
flakes were found. One core of grey and red partially burned shale was
recovered .
Red quartzite was also used as a raw material in biface production,
represented by one biface fragment and nine flakes.
A number of additional flakes did not have any corresponding tools
or tool fragments. Included were seven dark grey quartzite flakes, five
quartzite flakes in a many colors, and two quartz flakes. No stone
artifacts found at this cabin gave any indication as to age or cultural
af f i 1 iation.
THE ARTIFACTS FROM THE REFUSE AREA ADJACENT TO CABIN 4
When a bulldozer began clearing brush adjacent to Cabin 4 (Figure
4), a number of artifacts, faunal remains, and ash concentrations were
uncovered. Most material appeared just below the decomposed leaf layer
overlying the A soil horizon. All visible cultural material was
collected, and deposits in areas of artifact concentration were screened.
Most materials were discovered within an area approximately 30 feet
(9.14 m) west and 15 feet (4.57 m) south of Cabin 4. In addition, a
number of artifacts were recovered from the cultivated areas adjacent to
the north wall of the structure.
Since some artifacts, such as ceramic sherds, were identical in
pattern, or fit those recovered from the cabin, and since surveys
suggested that no other structure was located within 100 metres, the
artifact sample from this bulldozed area is assumed to have originated in
Cabin 4.
HUNTING
Ignition Parts and Ammunition
Gunf 1 int (Figure 57 a). A heavily used, burned gunflint measures
31.02 mm in length, 23.60 mm in width, and 9.52 mm in thickness. Large
flints such as this one could have been used in the larger-sized flint
locks common in many Northwest trade guns, many of which continued to be
furnished with flint ignition systems well into the 1880's. These larger
flints could also have been used with steels for fire making.
Rimfire Cartridge Case (Figure 57 b). A spent copper rimfire
cartridge case was found. The head has a raised "H" stamped within a
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circle, and the rim bears two opposed indentations made by a gunbolt with
a double firing pin. This case is a .44 calibre Henry flat for use in
the Henry lever-action rifle and the model 1866 brass-framed Winchester
rifle and carbine.
Lead Bullet (Figure 57 c). An expended lead bullet with an
impact-modified distal end was recovered. The base is closer to unfired
condition, except that it bears the reverse impression of the bands and
grooves of the firearm that discharged it. This base measures .4375
calibre and the bullet weighs 202 grains (13.07 grams). Two cartridges
that used bullets of similar dimensions and weights during the mid-1870's
were the .44 calibre Henry flat mentioned above and the .44-40 Winchester
centrefire for use in the model 1873 Winchester rifle and the Colt
Frontier revolver (Logan 1959:68, 137)
CONSTRUCTION. BLACKSMITHING. AND CRAFTS
File Tang
A steel file tang (Figure 57 d) was recovered from the refuse area.
No manufacturer's stamp is present.
Forged Iron Nail
Rose-Head Forged Nail Fragment (Figure 57 e). A single hand-forged
rose-head nail with an incomplete shank was found. It measures 36.30 mm
in length with shank 4.82 mm in width and 4.44 mm in thickness.
Machine-Cut Iron Nails
Flat-Head Cut Nail Fragments (Figure 57 f). Five incomplete
machine-cut common nails were found, including three with flat heads, one
shank with missing head, and one mid-section.
Cut Sprig (Figure 57 g) . A single L-head sprig was recovered from
the refuse area. This specimen appears to have been burned, most likely
in the cabin fireplace, and subsequently discarded with the ashes.
Miscellaneous Hardware
Staples (Figure 57 h). Five metal staples were found, all
apparently cut from sheet metal and probably used to hold together a
wooden crate. All examples were burned, suggesting the object to which
they were attached was used as fuel.
Rivet (Figure 57 i). A single copper male rivet was found. It
appears unmodified and probably was not used. It may represent an
artifact that was lost rather than discarded purposely.
- 1 78 -
HOUSEHOLD, BUSINESS. AND PERSONAL MAINTENANCE
Earthenware
Monochrome Underglaze Transfer-Printed Ware
Vessel 1 , Bowl (Figure 58 a). This vessel is represented by 30
sherds, five from the interior of Cabin 4 (Vessel 2, page 171) and 25
from the refuse area. The projected diameter of the bowl is 205.00 mm
with a height of approximately 44.65 mm.
The reconstructed portion of the bowl is decorated on the inner
surface with a blue (7.5PB 2/8) underglaze transfer-print design of the
"Pagoda" pattern (Sussman 1 979b : 1 55 ) . A sherd from the bottom of the
bowl has the letters "COPEL ..." pressed into it. This represents the
British manufacturer, Copeland.
Vessel 2, Bowl (Figure 58 b) . This vessel is represented by 64 tiny
sherds. It has a diameter of approximately 200.00 mm and is decorated on
the inside surface only with the Copeland pattern "B 700" (Sussman
1 979b : 64) . On the bottom of one sherd painted in green letters is the
inscription "COPEL ..." and the number "15" in blue. Color of the
print is 7.5PB 2/4.
Vessel 3, Cup (Figure 58 c). This vessel is represented by 30
sherds. The cup has a diameter of approximately 100 mm, but, due to
fragmentation, the height cannot be measured. Decoration is found on
both the interior and exterior surfaces and consists of the pattern known
as "Ivy," made by W. T. Copeland (Sussman 1979b: 135-136).
Glassware
Glass Bottle Fragments
Bottle 1 (Figure 58 d). A series of 14 subsequently reconstructed
glass sherds, most of which have been melted, were associated with an ash
concentration. Most of the recovered portion of the neck and sides of
the bottle are melted, but portions of the base are still identifiable.
This base, made from light green transparent glass, has a pontil mark and
appears to have been free-blown.
Bottle 2 (Figure 58 e) . A partial rim from a wide-mouthed bottle
was reconstructed from five sherds. The vessel was made from transparent
sunburst amethyst glass. The projected diameter of the mouth is 41.12
mm, but neither the size nor the shape of the bottle can be determined.
Bottle 3 (Figure 58 f). One moulded neck sherd and one thick body
sherd of pale green transparent glass were found. They may represent a
segment of a small patent medicine bottle.
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Bottle 4 (Figure 58 g) . A shoulder and neck sherd of a partially
melted dark olive-colored glass were recovered. The bottle which they
represent was either a wine or a beer bottle of the type made between
1820 and 1920 (Steer 1977:186).
Tumbler (Figure 58 h). This drinking vessel is represented by one
outside bevelled rim sherd and 13 curved body sherds. The tumbler was
made from clear, transparent glass with a slightly iridescent patina.
The projected diameter is approximately 80 mm.
Lamp Chimney Fragment (Figure 58 i). A very thin, curved
transparent glass sherd from a lamp chimney was found. Coupled with the
pendant (page 174), it supports the supposition that commercially made
oil lamps were used at the Buffalo Lake Metis site.
Metal Strapping
Six fragments with nail holes (Figure 59 a) appear to have served as
wood-crate reinforcing. Their average width is 18.5 mm. One specimen
(Figure 59 b), however, is not only wider than the previous six (22.80
mm), but thicker as well. The dorsal edge has been battered, suggesting
use as a hoop on a small keg or barrel. The strap also exhibits two
countersunk perforations that appear to have accomodated rivets rather
than nails. Rivetting would also be characteristic of a barrel hoop. In
addition, a thin ferrous metal strapping fragment was found.
Iron Container Fragment
A fragment of thin ferrous metal (Figure 59 c) was recovered from
the refuse area. Traces of solder are present on one surface in a
pattern suggestive of an iron can.
Fork
A complete though slightly bent three-tined ferrous metal dinner
fork (Figure 59 d) was recovered. The tines and ridged shoulder are
curved. The stem is round and expands slightly forward from the junction
with the handle, then tapers toward the shoulder and tines. The handle
is mounted with half-round pieces of incised antler attached with two
ferrous metal rivets. The pommel is capped by a thin round disc of
ferrous metal .
The incised design on the fork handle consists of a series of lines
paralleling the long axis, separated by a series of cross-hatches.
Identical specimens were recovered at Rocky Mountain House (Steer et
al. 1979:Vol. 1, 164; Vol. 2, 443, Figure 128A), excavated from the
Hudson's Bay Company post occupied between 1835 and 1861. The Hudson's
Bay Company's Victoria Post also yielded flatware with similarly incised
handles (Forsman 1985:93, Figure 41, c-d; Losey et al. 1977b: 51 , Figure
36-2, 36-3).
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TRANSPORTATION
Horseshoe Nails
Two hand-forged horseshoe nails (Figure 59 e) are approximately 60
mm in length.
DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION
Leather Heel Fragment
A small preserved fragment of commercially tanned leather (Figure 59
f) is possibly from the heel of a boot or shoe.
Buttons
Group I, Type 5a, Glass Buttons (Figure 59 g). Two Group I, Type 5a
buttons were recovered, measuring 11.39 mm in diameter and 3.39 mm in
thickness. This type of button is found on men's shirts and women's
blouses. Sometimes it is covered in cloth and used on bodices of women's
dresses, as observed on examples in the University of Alberta's historic
costume collection
Bead Fragments
Three fragments of a single bead were found. The glass has
crystallized into a translucent sugar-like consistency, in fact,
deteriorated to the point where the method of manufacture cannot be
determined. The original bead was probably substantial is size, as the
largest of the fragments measures more than 5.60 mm in diameter. All of
the larger-sized beads from the Buffalo Lake site were either wound or
pressed .
RECREATION AND SMOKING
Smoking Pipe Fragment
The base of a clay smoking pipe (Figure 59 h) consisting of the stem
and part of the bowl was found. The specimen was burned and partially
melted, presumably in the fireplace of Cabin 4, with the result that the
color was modified to a deep brick reddish-brown. The stem retains some
flash from the mould in which it was formed, and at the proximal end
there is a raised, encircling ring. The stem is complete, though quite
short. It would have been practical to use a wood or horn mouthpiece in
conjunction with this pipe.
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NATIVE INDUSTRIES
Chipped Stone
During the collection of historic artifacts in the wake of the
bulldozer, a few lithic artifacts, most likely of prehistoric age, were
found in the refuse area. Included were a chert core, two red quartzite
flakes, a light grey quartzite flake, and a translucent greenish-brown
chalcedony flake exhibiting some use-modification.
DISCUSSION
In part because of the salvage exigency, information on construction
methods and the dimensions and internal organization of Cabin 4 is
limited. However, it was probably a one-room structure without internal
partitions, approximately 26 feet long (8.00 m) and 20 feet wide (6.09
m) . An interior stone fireplace was located approximately in the centre
of the north wall (Figure 53). There were three external borrow-cum-
storage pits, one of which was lined with bark and partly cribbed, and
one internal pit which was subsequently used for trash disposal. In
addition, ashes and refuse were disposed of on the surface of the ground
in three more small areas within 30 feet (10 m) of the cabin itself.
Cabin 4 was located on a small, flat terrace overlooking a slough,
which, during periods of slightly higher precipitation, was joined to
Lynn Lake (Figures 3, 4). During the 1890's and the early twentieth
century, the cabin was probably under water, as were several others
located at the Boss Hill wintering site about a mile to the south (Figure
4).
The method of constructing Cabin 4 has not been determined, although
there is no evidence to support the post -in-ground technique.
Post-on-sill could have been used, but no indications remain. Both
dovetail and saddle-notch construction were in use at this period, but
again there is no structural evidence for either in Cabin 4. From the
few written accounts of the time, it would appear to the writer that in
all likelihood saddle-notch was used, given that wintering cabins were
erected in a day or two. The size of the trees in the immediate vicinity
would also govern to some extent the technique used. Cabin 4 does not
seem to have had a wooden floor, but rather one of packed clay. Too
little of the structure is preserved, however, for this to be certain.
Certainly, in the more permanent settlements of Lac Ste. Anne and St
Albert, dovetailed corners and post-on-sill construction were common.
Many of the citizens were skilled wood-workers having participated in the
construction of Hudson's Bay Company buildings, and, later, buildings for
both Roman Catholic and Methodist missions. At Buffalo Lake, this more
sophisticated style of building may have been evident in structures
occupied by some of the leading traders and perhaps the Roman Catholic
Priest.
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The artifact sample from Cabin 4 is also exceedingly sparse. For a
structure supposedly occupied by a group of people involved in hunting,
it is surprising that no artifacts related to this activity were found.
Outside the structure, however, there is evidence for the use of the
Henry rifle and perhaps a flintlock firearm.
Because of the expedient building methods involved, however, it is
not surprising that very few artifacts relating to construction were
recovered. There is evidence for use of hand-forged nails as well as
machine-cut varieties, although the latter type predominates. Rather
than in the construction of the cabin itself, however, many of these
nails appear to have been used in carts or other wooden objects that were
dismantled and burned in the fireplace, with the ashes dumped outside, or
that were burned in small fires outside the cabin structure in the first
place. Some of the ash concentrations outside the cabin may in fact be
from fires used for such purposes as smoke-tanning, preparation or
preservation of food, or insect control.
Copeland ceramics make up the entire sample from Cabin 4, from both
the interior and the refuse area. Vessel types and patterns are
consistent with those from Cabins 1, 2, and 3.
Glass artifacts were better represented than metal artifacts, with
evidence for the use of oil lamps, drinking glasses, and flatware. The
suggestion is that the occupants had brought with them most of the
objects that would normally be associated with a more permanent home, for
example, at Lac Ste. Anne or St. Albert. Certainly many of the breakable
objects would not have travelled well unless carefully packed, and at the
same time would perhaps have been too bulky to carry out on the Plains
during the summer hunt.
As would be expected, all artifacts associated with transportation
were found outside the house structure. This class of artifacts was
restricted to horseshoe nails.
Clothing was represented by a few buttons of generally similar types
to those recovered from other cabins at the site. With the exception of
two found in the refuse area, all buttons were recovered from the
internal pits in Cabin 4. Thus a certain pattern for the disposal of
worn clothing emerges. There is also some evidence to suggest the use of
manufactured leather footwear.
More artifacts related to food storage would have been expected, for
example tin cans (only one fragment found) or lead foil from tea
containers. The absense of the latter is surprising, since foil was
common in all the other cabins.
Also, as in the other cabins, stone artifacts were found in Cabin
4. There is, however, clear evidence for prehistoric provenience,
opposed to the more convincing association with historic artifacts in the
other Metis cabins.
General identification of faunal material from the Cabin 4 area was
not made. However, Kooyman's specific analysis is included in Appendix
II.
It is interesting to note that many faunal elements, probably those
of large mammals such as bison, were disposed of outside the cabin
structure and were scattered on the surface rather than placed in the
depressions. Teeth marks, possibly from dogs, appear on many examples.
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It would appear, based on the little physical evidence that
survives, that Cabin 4 was occupied at the same time as Cabins 1, 2, and
3, probably by the same group of people Likely they had the same source
of supply for many possessions, such as firearms, clothing, and household
goods .
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CHAPTER VIII
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA, CABIN 5
The cluster of surface features consisting of mounds and depressions
designated Cabin 5 is located approximately 529.30 feet (161.33 m) south
of Cabin 4 and 1,101.30 feet (335.68 m) south of the north boundary of
the southeast quarter of Section 14, Township 41, Range 20 west of the
Fourth Meridian (Figures 4, 60 a). Thus it is located somewhat away from
the main concentration of features and from the excavated Cabins 1, 2,
and 3.
EXCAVATIONS AT CABIN 5
Specific Objectives
Within the framework of general objectives outlined in Chapter I,
the Cabin 5 area was selected for excavation in an effort to satisfy the
following specific objectives:
(1) To demonstrate or disprove cultural and temporal
continuity with the previously excavated cabins at the
Buffalo Lake Metis site.
(2) To reinforce hypotheses on fireplace orientation with
respect to a pattern tentatively discerned in Cabins 1, 3,
and 4.
(3) To support additional inferences regarding the internal
organization of Buffalo Lake Metis cabins.
(4) To test hypotheses of annual or seasonal rejuvenation of
fireplaces (with implications for re-occupation of cabins) on
features where this had not hitherto been clearly ascertained.
(5) To further test the hypothesis of seasonal or annual
re-excavation in new localities of borrow-storage-ref use pits.
(6) To further investigate patterning in refuse disposal
with an eye to generating hypotheses of sociocultural
differentiation (Carillo 1977; South 1977a; 1977b; Schiffer
1977).
(7) Possibly to link sequential use of fireplaces with
sequential use of refuse pits, for example through the
recovery and identification of conjoinable artifacts or
fauna! remains.
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(8) To further discriminate primary and secondary refuse
disposal, particularly with regard to interior refuse pits,
and to further investigate the fireplace as a refuse disposal
receptacle.
(9) To increase comparability of house units within or
without the Buffalo Lake Metis site through focussed
comparison of the above selected sub-units. Possibly to
suggest relative homogeneity or variation, with implications
for ethnic or household-organization variability.
(10) Through additional recovery of artifacts, to further
discriminate a Late Nineteenth Century Metis Artifact Pattern,
distinguished, for example, from an Early Fur Trade Artifact
Pattern (Nicks 1970; Forsman and Gallo 1979).
Excavation Methods
Unlike the previous four Metis cabin localities, Cabin 5 appeared to
be relatively undisturbed by agricultural activity or by pothunters.
Much credit for this is due to the landowner, Ron Rider, who actively
protected this portion of the site for several years. The position of
Cabin 5, located away from the main concentration of buildings, may also
have served to protect it.
After clearing the area of underbrush, it was possible to recognize
15 features, consisting of a series of mounds, depressions, and linear
ridges. These were designated according to their visibility prior to
excavation.
Excavation techniques were similar to those described for Cabin 4.
After establishing a metric grid over the designated area, three
two-metre by four-metre excavation units were investigated. The units
were designated by the coordinates of their northwest corners: units
0N,4W; 0N,2E; and 6S,0W.
The first unit encompassed Feature 7, a clay ridge, and was
established to reveal the northwest corner of the structure, to determine
the method of construction, and to investigate the cabin interior for
wooden flooring. The unit also included a small portion of Feature 2, a
large depression along the north (actually more nearly northwest) wall
and exterior to the main structure, and half of Feature 11, a small
exterior depression.
Although a portion of Feature 7 was exposed in 1982, little
information was gained from the small amount of excavation in Features 2
and 11. Wood preservation was too poor to determine beyond a reasonable
doubt what construction method was used. There was no evidence for the
presence of wood flooring, although this, too, is not necessarily
conclusive.
The second unit was established in order to locate the east wall of
the cabin, to test for wooden flooring, and to establish the function and
dimensions of Feature 6, a large depression.
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The third excavation unit was established to isolate Feature 10, the
southwest corner of the cabin, and to determine the method of
construction.
Application to complete the investigation of Cabin 5 and its
environs during the 1983 field season was not approved by the
Archaeological Survey of Alberta.
THE FEATURES OF CABIN 5
The Wal 1 Lines
In contrast to many other cabin remains throughout the site, the
general outline of Cabin 5 was quite pronounced. This was probably owing
in part to the large amount of clay used to plaster the walls.
Eventually, this clay was deposited as a series of ridges forming a
square encompassing approximately the area occupied by the original
structure. Inside this square, and located half way between the
northeast and northwest corners, was a large mound. Based on these
outlines and this mound, the various visible surface features were
designated as follows (Figure 60 b) (All readings are relative to stake
4N, 0W, taken as 0 elevation, since it was one of the few stakes from
which all features were visible.)
Feature 1 , Large Mound
This mound was approximately 10 feet (3.05 m) in diameter and 1.79
feet (55.00 cm) high. Because of its size and form, the granitic
cobbles seen eroding from it, and its location adjacent to and within
apparent wall lines, it was assumed to have been a fireplace.
Feature 2, Large Depression
This feature was located to the northwest and adjacent to Feature
1. It measured approximately 11.04 feet (3.37 m) by 8.73 feet (2.66 m)
and was 2.60 feet (79.3 cm) deep.
Feature 3, Depression, and Feature 3A, Mound
The depression measured 12.24 feet (3.73 m) by 8.17 feet (2.49 m)
and was 3.35 feet (1.02 m) deep. It was bordered by a mound of clay
(Feature 3A) , 15.52 feet (4.73 m) from northwest to southeast by 12.29
feet (3.75 m) from northeast to southwest. This feature perhaps
represented a separate cabin or perhaps a large cellar associated with
Cabin 5.
Feature 4, Small Depression
This feature measured 4.57 feet (1.39 m) by 4.51 feet (1.38 m) and
is 1.24 feet (37.8 cm) deep. Because of its apparent location, it was
thought to represent an external borrow-cum-ref use pit.
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Feature 5, Small Depression
This depression was similar to Feature 4, but located slightly
farther away from the larger features thought to be associated with the
main cabin structure. It measured 3.65 feet (1.11 m) by 3.57 feet (1.09
m) by 1.17 feet (35.66 cm) deep, and was thought to be the remains of a
privy.
Feature 6, Large Depression
This feature (Figure 60 b) was located within what was thought to be
the main cabin structure. It measured 6.86 feet (2.09 m) by 5.86 feet
(1.79 m) and was 1.50 feet (45.72 cm) deep. On the basis of data from
previously excavated cabins, it was hypothesized that Feature 6
functioned sequentially as a borrow pit, storage pit, and waste disposal
unit.
Excavation revealed a very deep interior pit (Figures 61, 62 a)
initially dug to obtain clay for construction of the fireplace and
perhaps chinking of the cabin. The upper portion of this feature was
excavated through sand; however, the lower portion intersected a very
thick and pure lens of clay (Figure 61).
This pit appears to have been used for a time as an interior storage
cellar, based on the assumption that certain artifacts recovered from the
bottom, such as the unfired 44-40 cartridges, were probably not
intentionally discarded. At this time the pit appears to have been
covered by a large wooden trap door joined with nails. Bits of rotted
wood and rusted nails were recovered from the refuse in the pit and may
have come from this trap door. More substantial pieces of rotted wood
with no associated nails (Figure 61) probably represent segments of
collapsed roof or wall .
Subsequent to its use as a storage cellar, Feature 6 ultimately
served for refuse disposal, particularly evidenced in the upper 40
centimetres of deposition (Figure 61). The reasons a storage cellar
would become a refuse pit have not been determined. In the present case,
water table and soil permeability are important factors to consider. The
bottom of Feature 6 was excavated into relatively impermeable clay, but
the upper deposits were in very permeable sands. Possibly, then,
following the spring abandonment after the first winter of occupation,
the bottom of the cellar filled with water. There is also evidence that
the sandy deposits above slumped, filling part of the original
excavation. Both the inundation and the slumping would have made safe,
dry storage impossible, but would make trash disposal feasible.
Features 7, 8, 9, and 10, Clay Ridges
Clay ridges appeared to represent the four corners and the four
walls of the main Cabin 5 structure, forming a square approximately 25
feet (7.62 m) to a side. Elevations taken from stake ON, 4W to the four
corners ranged between .33 feet (10.06 cm) above to .32 feet (9.75 cm)
below.
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At Feature 10, almost no wood from the corner was preserved.
However, the earth exhibited differential water-absorption
characteristics, and the original corner of the building showed as a dark
stain after the excavation unit was soaked with water and allowed to dry
slowly (Figure 62 b). As in the other two excavation units, there was no
evidence of planking or other type of wooden floor.
Feature 11, Small Depression
This feature may have served as a stairwell or access to Feature 2.
It was 2.54 feet (77.42 cm) in diameter and less than two feet (60.96 cm)
deep.
A number of other features were noted during the initial mapping of
the site. These features include the following (Figure 60 b) :
Feature 12, Depression
This feature, apparently associated with a separate structure,
appeared to be square, measuring 4.32 feet (1.32 m) to a side.
Feature 13, Ridge
This feature appeared to be a slightly raised mud-plaster line
outlining a structure 15.06 feet (4.59 m) by 12.62 feet (3.85 m) .
Feature 14, Ridge
This feature was a slightly raised mud-plaster wall line that
appeared to outline an addition to Cabin 5. The addition was
approximately 4.51 feet (1.38 m) shorter along its east wall than was the
corresponding west wall of Cabin 5, which it shared. This addition
measured approximately 21.62 feet (6.59 m) by 15.12 feet (4.61 m) and did
not appear to contain either a fireplace or a storage-refuse pit.
Feature 15, Ridge
This isolated ridge, associated with Features 2 and 11, perhaps
represented the remains of a wall line. It formed a line parallel to the
north wall of Cabin 5, 13.75 feet (4.19 m) long and 12.92 feet (3.94 m)
to the north. It lined up with Feature 7, the northwest corner of Cabin
5 and appeared to envelope Features 2 and 11. It also ran parallel to
the south wall of the mound, Feature 3A.
Discussion
Largely from surface indications, the 15 associated features
arbitrarily designated Cabin 5 appear to represent a series of joined or
separate structures much more complex in architecture and presumed
function than other hi vernant structures investigated by archaeologists
to date. Six such structures may be represented:
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(1) A main cabin, 25 feet (7.62 m) square, was enclosed by Features
7, 8, 9, and 10, and contained a large fireplace (Feature 1)
approximately centred on an interior wall (typical of French log cabin
construction techniques). Within this main cabin a large storage/refuse
pit (Feature 6) was located.
(2, 3) Two additional rooms appear to have been joined to the main
cabin. The first, located along the west wall (Feature 14), measured 22
feet (6.71 m) by 15 feet (4.57 m) . There was no surface indication of
function. The second addition was located along the north wall, measured
approximately 14 feet (4.27 m) by 13 feet (3.96 m) , and encompassed
Features 2, 11, and 15. On the basis of the large depression, this
addition may have served as a large storage room, accessible either from
the main cabin or from outside. Thus, three of the hypothetical six
structures appear to have been attached.
(4) The fourth structure, represented by Features 3 and 3A, may
have been a separate cabin measuring 16 feet (4.88 m) by 12 feet (3.66
m) , with a fireplace and a large interior depression. Alternately, it
may have been a large detached storage building. Without excavation, it
has not been determined whether the mound was from a fireplace or was
simply backfill from the depression.
(5) The fifth structure was also detached. It was represented by
Features 12 and 13 and measured approximately 12.5 feet (3.81 m) by 15
feet (4.57 m) . It may have served either as a living structure or a
storage building.
(6) The sixth structure, represented by Feature 5, may have been a
privy.
Several types of structures for which there is as yet no
archaeological evidence were probably located on the site. These might
include: stables (possibly a function of Feature 14); stages for storage
of meat, dog harness, carrioles or other equipment; drying racks; and
perhaps saw pits.
THE ARTIFACTS OF CABIN 5
Excavation of Cabin 5 yielded a sample of 1,726 artifacts.
Hopefully they reflect those activities associated with the main
structure, though not necessarily those pertaining to the detached
features. The majority of the artifacts were recovered from Feature 6.
HUNTING
Gun Parts
Trigger (Figure 63 a). A complete trigger from a black powder
muzzle-loading firearm was recovered from Feature 6. It is identical to
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the trigger from a Parker, Field, and Company flintlock trade musket with
a lock plate dated 1867, located in the History Collection of the
Provincial Museum of Alberta. However, similar triggers were used on
firearms of much earlier manufacture.
The trigger was recovered from the organically stained earth
overlying the cellar fill proper, and it was probably deposited or
slumped into the depression from the adjacent floor or wall rather than
being intentionally discarded. Such items as this may have been kept as
spare parts for gun repairs.
Ignition Parts and Ammunition
Percussion Caps (Figure 63 b). Two copper percussion caps were
recovered. A fired specimen was from the cabin floor, associated with
Feature 10. An unfired specimen, probably representing accidental
deposition, was recovered from the cellar fill of Feature 6. Both
examples are similar in size to the number 11 percussion cap used with
percussion shotguns and Plains-type rifles. Firearms such as the
military and police Enfields and Springfields used the much larger "top
hat" percussion cap.
Percussion Cap Box Lid (Figure 63 c). The lid of a percussion cap
box, recovered from Feature 6, was manufactured by Ely Brothers in
London, England, and is made from tin-plated ferrous metal. The lid is
40.85 mm in diameter and 6.18 mm high, and the metal is .71 mm thick.
Comparative examples in the Provincial Museum of Alberta's History
collection are sealed with a dark brown varnish. A medium-green paper
label glued to their side indicates in black lettering that the box
contained 100 percussion caps.
Lead Shot (Figure 63 d). Four lead shot were found, three from the
southwest interior corner of the cabin and one from Feature 6. Two
pellets are of "BB" and two of "B" size, and all were most likely fired
from a muzzle-loading shotgun.
Rimfire Cartridge Case (Figure 63 e). A single copper rimfire
cartridge case from a .44 calibre Henry flat cartridge was recovered from
Feature 6. The head has a raised encircled letter "H," while the rim
exhibits double firing-pin marks opposite each other. The head is bulged
outward due to too much headspace in the Henry or Winchester rifle that
fired it.
Centrefire Cartridges (Figure 63 f). A total of eight unfired
.44-40 calibre centrefire cartridges were recovered from the bottom of
Feature 6. They were found together wrapped in a piece of cloth
identified as cotton (Barbara Schweger, personal communication). Such
cartridges were manufactured for use interchangeably in the model 1873
Winchester lever-action repeating rifle and the Colt Single-Action Army
revolver.
- 192 -
Because the cartridge cases still contained black powder, they are
badly deteriorated, while the bullets are affected with advanced lead
disease. No headstamp is in evidence.
These cartridges appear to have been stored in the bottom of the
cellar rather than thrown away. They were subsequently covered by
slumping sand from the upper deposits.
CONSTRUCTION, BLACKSMITHING, AND CRAFTS
Axe Head Fragment
A forged iron axe head (Figure 63 g) was recovered from Feature 6
just below the east wall sill log of Cabin 5. The head is split
lengthwise and is missing the cutting edge. The poll is well battered.
The axe head measures 107.30 mm in length, 62.68 mm in width, and 13.70
mm in thickness, and it weighs 237.13 g.
It is possible that this axe head broke during the construction
phase of Cabin 5.
Half-Round File Fragment
A long mid-section of a half-round file was found (Figure 63 h). It
measures 146.42 mm in length, 11.30 mm in width, and 6.98 mm in
thickness. The cutting surface is very fine, though presently obscured
by oxidation.
Possible Tool Handle
Three pieces of squared hardwood were recovered (Figure 63 i). They
may have served as tool handles or parts of tools, but their state of
preservation precludes positive identification.
Forged Iron Nail Fragments
Four wrought headless nail shanks (Figure 63 j) were recovered from
Feature 6. All have bits of preserved wood adhering to their oxidized
surfaces
Machine-Cut Iron Nails
Flat-Head Cut Nails (Figure 63 k). Of the 60 machine-cut nails
found, almost all examples were flat-headed common nails. However, a
variety of sizes was represented. A total of 10 nearly complete two and
one-half inch (63.5 mm) nails was found. In addition, two two inch (50.8
mm), three one and three-quarters inch (44.3 mm), four one and one-half
inch (38.1 mm), and fourteen one and one-eighth inch (28.6 mm) nails were
found. Also included were 12 flat-head machine-cut common nails with
broken shanks and 15 headless machine-cut shanks of various lengths.
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Cut Sprigs (Figure 63 1). Two one inch (25.4 mm) sprigs were
recovered .
Cut Tack (Figure 63 m) . One tack, seven-sixteenths inch (11.3 mm)
in length was found.
Wire Nail Fragment
One broken wire nail (spike) with a 7.0 mm diameter shank was found
( Figure 63 n) .
Miscellaneous Hardware
Staple Fragments (Figure 63 o). Seven fragments of stamped ferrous
metal staples were recovered. They may have served to attach metal
reinforcement strapping to wood crates.
Heavy Barrel Hoop Fragment (Figure 63 p) . A long segment of heavy
iron barrel hoop was recovered from the southeast cabin floor area
encompassed in the excavation unit for Feature 6. One edge exhibits
considerable battering, which might indicate how it was fitted tightly
over a large tapered object such as a barrel. There are three
perforations near one of the broken ends. One of these perforations
still retains a portion of a wood screw.
The hoop measures 615.00 mm in length, 36.50 mm in width, and 3.80
mm in thickness. The screw is approximately 6.5 mm in diameter where it
pierces the hoop.
HOUSEHOLD, BUSINESS, AND PERSONAL MAINTENANCE
Earthenware
Monochrome Underglaze Transfer-Printed Mare.
Vessel 1, Plate (Figure 64 a). Two fitted sherds form part of the
bottom of a small (six inch?) plate. "C0PEL . . ."is stamped on the
bottom surface. A design is applied to the inner surface only, and
consists of the Copeland pattern "Continental Views No. 526" (Sussman
1979b:98; Steer 1977). The color is 6.25PB 4/12.
Vessel 2, Plate? (Figure 64 b). This vessel is represented by a
single small rim sherd with a plain white exterior and a decorated
interior surface. The pattern is either "Continental Views" or "Louis
Quatorze," both made by Copeland (Sussman 1979b:92, 145; Steer et al.
1979:362-363). The color is 7.5PB 3/8.
Vessel 3, Undetermined (Figure 64 c). A burned rim sherd with a
design similar, though perhaps not identical, to that on the previously
described rim sherd was recovered. Burning has destroyed the glaze,
altered the color of the print, and obliterated much of the design. The
decoration, perhaps a Copeland pattern, has been applied to the inner
surface.
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Vesssel 4, Undetermined (Figure 64 d). This vessel is represented
by two small rim sherd chips. Although no portion of the decoration is
present, a flowed blue color (5PB 5/6) from the transfer print appears
under the glaze, and it is sufficiently different from the color of other
vessels to warrant a separate designation
Polychrome Underglaze Sponge-Stamped Ware
Vessel 5, Saucer (Figure 64 e). This vessel is represented by over
100 tiny sherds, forming approximately 25 per cent of the saucer. The
decoration is found on the rim of the inner surface and consists of a
sponge-stamped row of purple flowers (7.5PB 4/6), bordered above and
below by single hand-painted green lines (7.5G 3/6), that encircle the
vessel interior. Vessel diameter is 150 mm and height is 23.41 mm. The
design is similar to that on "Portneuf" ware (Finlayson 1972).
Vessel 6, Saucer (Figure 64 f). This vessel is represented by 14
sherds and chips. It is essentially the same as Vessel 5, except for the
shade of color in the decoration and in the glaze. The standard flowers
are 10PB 4/8, while the painted borders are 7.5G 3/4.
Vessel 7, Cup (Figure 64 g). This vessel is represented by six
sherds, four of which fit together. The projected diameter is
approximately 85.00 mm. Decoration consists of narrow hand-painted green
border lines (7.56 3/4) just below the rim on both the interior and
exterior surfaces. Below this border on the exterior of the cup is a
sponge-stamped purple-blue flower design (10PB 4/10), similar to that
applied to Vessels 5 and 6. The vessel is insufficiently complete to
determine if this floral pattern is repeated on the exterior of the cup.
Vessel 8, Undetermined (Figure 64 h). This vessel is represented by
a single sherd with an applied Portneuf-type sponge-stamped pattern
consisting of a yellowish-red flower on a white background. The color of
the flower is 2.5YR 2/4.
Hard-Paste Earthenware or Stoneware
Vessel 9, Possible Cup (Figure 64 i). This vessel is represented by
two handle fragments, possibly from a cup. The fragments are made from a
very hard white paste with a partially vitrified surface. They are
decorated with a hand-painted gold stripe applied over glaze.
Vessel 10, Possible Teapot (Figure 64 j). This vessel is
represented by a small handle fragment of stoneware with a reddish-brown
paste. The glaze is an iridescent copper color characteristic of
lusterware.
Miscellaneous Soft-Paste Earthenware
Vessel 11, Undetermined (Figure 64 k). Four small sherds are from
an earthenware vessel or object (possibly a pipe bowl?) with a soft red
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paste. The inner surfaces are unglazed, while the outer surfaces appear
burnished and finished by the application of a slip. The color of the
unglazed surface is 5YR 7/6, while that of the exterior surface is more
variable, between 5YR 6/8 and 7.5R 5/8.
Glassware
Clear Bottle Glass (Figure 65 a). Two melted clear glass sherds
were found, apparently from a bottle or bottles of undetermined size and
function that were melted in the fireplace.
Amber Bottle Glass (Figure 65 b). A single sherd of patinated amber
glass was recovered. It appears to be from a small eight-sided bottle
that may have contained patent medicine.
Pale Green Bottle Glass (Figure 65 c). A single sherd of clear
glass has a pale green hue, an oxidized surface, and a thin iridescent
patina. The sherd appears to have come from a small bottle.
Mirror Glass (Figure 65 d). A sherd from a round mirror with
projected diameter of approximately 80.00 mm. was found. The silvered
surface has eroded away, leaving the sherd transparent.
Sheet Metal Artifacts
Lead Foil (Figure 65 e). Approximately 68 fragments of lead foil
were recovered. Of these, one large fragment has solder along one edge
and two others are joined by solder. Similar foil was used to line tea
containers until relatively recent times.
Two foil fragments of thicker gauge were also found. Such thicker
foil was often used to package black powder, the empty containers usually
being melted down and cast into bullets after the contents were used or
transferred to the more convenient powder horn.
Food Container Seal (Figure 65 f). Two tin foil fragments, when fit
together, form the major portion of a seal from an imported container of
preserves or condiments. The stamped raised inscription on the joined
fragments reads:
CROSSE & BLACKWEL-
PURVEYORS TO HER MAJE
S0H0 LON
BETTS-?
(Dashes indicate the possible number of missing letters.)
Food Container Seal (Figure 65 g). A second tin foil seal, possibly
from a food container, reads:
SUPERIOR C-?
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This may represent Superior Chutney, a common nineteenth century
condiment.
Wire Artifacts
Straight Pins (Figure 65 h). Four straight pins were recovered, two
28 mm in length and two 36 mm in length. All have been protected from
oxidation by a plating of metal such as tin or nickle.
Sewing Needles (Figure 65 i). A complete large ferrous metal sewing
needle was found, 62.66 mm in length. In addition, the mid-section of a
fine sewing needle was recovered. Unlike straight pins, needles were not
plated, and consequently these are heavily oxidized
TRANSPORTATION
Horseshoe Nail
A single horseshoe nail (Figure 65 j) was recovered from Cabin 5.
The shank is half twisted just below the head.
DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION
Buttons
Group I, Glass Buttons
Type 3 (Figure 66 a). One broken Type 3 glass button was recovered
from Cabin 5. (See Chapter IV for type descriptions.) It is 10.34 mm in
diameter and 3.35 mm thick.
Type 5a (Figure 66 b) . Six buttons of this type were found. Their
diameter ranges from a minimum 10.65 mm to a maximum 11.11 mm, with an
average of 10.83 mm. Thickness ranges from 2.69 mm to 3.44 mm, with an
average of 3.08 mm.
Type 5b (Figure 66 c). Three buttons of this type were found, with
average diameter of 11.60 mm and thickness of 3.81 mm.
Type 7 (Figure 66 d). Type 7 are white sew-through buttons with
decoration consisting of cast-in ridges or ribs radiating from the
central recess, which contains four holes. They are plano-convex in
cross section. One button of this type was recovered from Cabin 5. It
measures 11.21 mm in diameter and is 3.39 mm thick.
Type 8 (Figure 66 e, f). Type 8 are glass, high-domed buttons with
cast-in wire shank.
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(a) Plain White. These buttons have been observed on bodices of
nineteenth century (1870s) women's dresses in the University of Alberta's
historic costume collection. One example (Figure 66 e) was found, 11.69
mm in diameter and 8.22 mm in thickness.
(b) Inlaid Polychrome. One example (Figure 66 f) is made from black
glass with black and white glass inlay. A central rosette consists of a
floral motif with inlaid rose glass middle and with green glass
background. The cast-in wire shank has been broken off. Besides serving
on women's dresses, similar buttons have been found on gaiters and shoes
(Schiff 1979:30, 32).
Group II, Shell Buttons
Type 2 (Figure 66 g). Two Type 2 shell buttons were recovered. The
first is a smaller example, with diameter of 9.41 mm and thickness of
I. 33 mm, but otherwise the same as the Cabin 3 specimens. The second is
II. 61 mm in diameter and 1.74 mm in thickness. A layer of shell has
chipped off the surface, leaving visible only a faint outline of the
incised lines.
Type 3 (Figure 66 h). One example was found, measuring 9.50 mm in
diameter and 1.41 mm in thickness.
Type 5 (Figure 66 i). These are relatively thick two-hole
sew-through shell buttons with a pronounced central concavity and a
convex back. The two examples recovered measure 11.23 mm and 11.35 mm in
diameter and 2.86 mm and 2.34 mm in thickness.
Group III. Bone Buttons
Type 3 (Figure 66 j). These medium sized sew-through bone buttons
with four holes are similar to Type 1, but smaller. They were probably
used as vest and sleeve buttons rather than coat buttons like their
larger counterparts. The one example from Cabin 5 is 14.50 mm in
diameter and 31.6 mm in thickness.
Type 4 (Figure 66 k). These are the same general size as Type 3
bone buttons, but the central recess is bordered by a narrow raised
circle and contains five holes. The single example is 14.47 mm in
diameter and 2.20 mm in thickness. The back of the button is made up of
cancellous tissue, which may account for its thinness. Similar buttons
were used by the United States Military (Olsen and Campbell 1962:348-349).
Group IV, Metal Buttons
Type 2 (Figure 67 a). One specimen was found, 27.36 mm in diameter
and 1 .72 mm thick.
Type 4a (Figure 67 b). A single specimen is 17.30 mm in diameter
and marked "DOUBLE RING EDGE."
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Type 5b (Figure 67 c). The single example has a brass back coated
with black enamel and a ferrous metal face. The ferrous metal attachment
pin has been completely oxidized. Originally cloth covered, the button
measures 16.75 mm in diameter and 2.15 mm in thickness. Laboratory
analysis proved the cloth to be wool (Lillian Hill, personal
communication) .
Type 5c (Figure 67 d). This two-piece button with brass front and
back has a double cross-pin in the central hole for attachment. The face
is stamped with eight six-pointed stars, and the central hole is bordered
by a small circle of raised reeds. The back is marked "JS & CO.
PATENT." The single example found is 17.61 mm in diameter and 2.82 mm in
thickness .
Type 5d (Figure 67 e). This button is the same as Type 5c except
for size. The single example measures 13.92 mm in diameter and 2.59 mm
in thickness. Both types appear to have originally been coated in black
enamel which has nearly all worn off.
Type 8a (Figure 67 f). The single example is 13.65 mm in diameter
and 3.85 mm thick. Impressions of woven fabric on the face, suggest that
it was once covered with a worsted material.
Type 9 (Figure 67 g) . This single one-piece sew-though black enamel
button has two holes located in a central oval recess. The back is
stamped "JN & CO. BIRMINGHAM. " It measures 16.95 mm in diameter and 2.56
mm in thickness.
Type 10 (Figure 67 h). This is a two-piece gilded brass "Golden
Age" button (Schiff 1979). The front has a raised floral design against
a basket weave chequered background, while the back is stamped "EXTRA
SUPERIOR QUALITY." Soldered to the back is a wire eye for attachment.
The single example measures 22.24 mm in diameter and 5.74 mm in
thickness. Such fancy gilded buttons were made to be worn on men's coats.
Miscel laneous (Figure 67 i). The back of a possible two-piece
button was recovered. It is made of ferrous metal and has a brass and
copper rivet-head attachment. The diameter of the base is 17.42 mm.
Cloth
Several small pieces of cloth were recovered, some preserved on
buttons and some associated with the cache of cartridges. Analysis and
identification of textiles from all cabins was conducted by Barbara
Schweger and is detailed in Appendix I.
Although very little was preserved, a few samples of fabric that had
lain in contact with copper, brass, or iron, or that had been carbonized
by partial burning, survived at Buffalo Lake.
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Leather
Leather Heel (Figure 68 a). A piece of commercially tanned leather
boot or shoe heel was found. Although it is partially decomposed, there
remains evidence of the stitching around the edges. The nail holes, as
well as one fragment of a cobbler's nail, are also still evident.
Leather Fragment (Figure 68 b). A small nondescript fragment of
commercially tanned leather was recovered. It may be originally from
footwear or harness.
Miscellaneous Clothing Accessories
Hook-and-Eye Clothing Fasteners (Figure 68 c). Two wire fastening
hooks and two corresponding eyes were recovered. One hook is made from
brass, the other from ferrous metal. One eye is also made from ferrous
metal, while the other eye fragment is made from brass plated with white
metal .
Shoelace Eye (Figure 68 d). A single small shoe or boot lace eye
was recovered, made from black -enamelled non-ferrous metal.
Hat Pin Fragment
The proximal end of a lady's ferrous metal hat pin (Figure 68 e) is
mounted with a heavily oxidized ferrous metal ball.
Earring
A single two-piece drop-earring (Figure 68 f) with a shepherd's hook
wire attachment for pierced ears was recovered from the depression
(Feature 6) in Cabin 5. The main body is a single-piece stamping made
from non-ferrous metal (probably brass) which has been plated with
silver. The centre is mounted with a small red glass imitation ruby or
garnet. Attached is a pendant of two-piece stamped plated brass, the
lower portion of which has been broken off.
Beads
The most numerous artifacts recovered from Cabin 5 were beads.
These have been classified according to method of manufacture, size, and
color.
Drawn Tubular Beads
"Seed" Beads (Figure 68 g). By far the greatest quantity of beads
recovered from Cabin 5 are drawn tubular glass beads. The most common is
the "seed" bead, having an outside diameter of less than 2.0 mm (Conn
1968, 1969). In total, 1,357 drawn tubular seed beads were recovered,
with colors represented as follows:
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237
218
206
184
155
72
65
59
57
31
29
27
17
light blue opaque
brick red "Cornaline d 'Aleppo"
pink opaque
light green opaque
dark green opaque
blue translucent
clear transparent
white opaque
red translucent
brown opaque
dark blue opaque
tan opaque
pale yellow translucent
"Intermediate" Beads (Figure 68 h). "Intermediate" beads, with an
outside diameter between 2.0 mm and 3.0 mm, were rare on the site, with
only one specimen found. It appears black in natural light, but cobalt
blue through transmitted light.
"Pony" Beads (Figure 68 i). One similar "pony" bead (diameter of
over 3.0 mm) was found.
Hexagonal Bead (Figure 68 j). One transparent hexagonal tubular
bead was recovered from Cabin 5. It is 4.77 mm in length, 5.27 mm in
width, and .93 mm in thickness. The diameter of the bore is 2.86 mm.
Wound Glass Beads
"Pony" Beads. (Figure 68 k, 1). Two wound "pony" glass beads were
recovered. The first (Figure 68 k) is irregular, rather elongated and
bulbous at one end. It is made from transparent cobalt blue glass, now
patinated. The second (Figure 68 1) is more regular in shape, made from
translucent, sky-blue glass. The outer surface has been oxidized.
Pressed Glass Bead
One facetted pressed-glass bead (Figure 68 m) is made from pale
yellow transparent glass. It measures 11.13 mm in length and 13.07 mm in
diameter.
Metal Beads
Seventeen facetted non-ferrous metal seed beads (Figure 68 n) were
recovered in excavation and subsequent laboratory screening.
A grand total of 1,379 beads of all types, sizes, and colors was
recovered from Cabin 5.
MISCELLANEOUS UNIDENTIFIED OBJECTS
A complete specimen and the fragment of a ring of plastic-like
material were recovered (Figure 68 o) . The complete specimen is 13.10 mm
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in diameter and 1.76 mm thick, with outside diameter of the central hole
8.48 mm. A slightly bevelled line is cut across the face of the ring,
running more or less perpendicular to the edge, and the ring has broken
through along this line.
A small, flat, tinned ferrous metal disc is perhaps a lid from a
metal container.
Five scraps of oxidized ferrous metal of undetermined function were
recovered .
NATIVE INDUSTRIES
Chipped Stone
Among the lithic artifacts recovered are a number of tool
fragments. These include a broken tip of a biface of grey -green
quartzite and a fragment of unifacially retouched quartzite cobble
spall. The very smooth water-worn cortex is retained on the dorsal
surface and forms the working edge of the spall. This sort of edge
appears to have had functional advantages (Doll 1982:50-51).
A medium-sized unifacially worked scraper-plane is also made from
quartzite, but the interior material rather than cortex forms the working
edge (Doll 1982:51-53).
A bipolar split pebble is of black chert.
The remaining lithic artifacts consist of decortication flakes,
biface-thinning flakes, and other detritus that may be lumped together.
Included are 30 quartzite flakes, 13 quartz flakes, three chert flakes,
and one petrified wood flake. All worked lithic materials could have
been derived from local reworked glacial deposits in the Buffalo Lake
Moraine (Doll 1982:9-13).
FAUNAL MATERIALS FROM CABIN 5
A detailed analysis of butchering by Bryan Kooyman is included in
Appendix II.
In addition to reflecting similarity to the faunal samples from
other excavated Metis cabins at Buffalo Lake, four new species can be
added: white-tailed jack rabbit ( Lepus townsendi i ) , Nuttall's cottontail
(Syl vi lagus nuttallii) . Canada Goose (Branta canadensis) , and Red Head
Duck (Aythya americana) .
Other species identified from the faunal remains at the Metis site
include bison (Bison bison), moose (Alces alces) , beaver (Castor
canadensis) . muskrat (Ondatra zibethicus). snowshoe hare ( Lepus
americanus) . pocket gopher (Thomomys talpoides), ground squirrel
(Spermophi lus sp.), deer mouse ( Peromyscus maniculatus) , shrew (Sorex
sp.), meadow vole (Microtus pennsyl vanicus) . Snow Goose (Chen
caerulescens) . White-fronted Goose (Anser albif rons) , Gadwall (Anas
stretera) . Ruddy Duck (Oxyura jamaicensis) , Mallard (Anas platyrhynchos) ,
and Sharptail Grouse (Pedioecetes phasianel lus) . In addition, the
remains of toad (family Bufonidae), and a fish of undetermined species
were found.
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CHAPTER IX
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA,
SURFACE COLLECTED MATERIAL FROM CABINS 6 TO 12
INTRODUCTION
Since 1970, surface collections were made in those areas of the
Buffalo Lake Metis site disturbed by agriculture or other processes. Of
the 88 cabin localities recorded, cultural material was collected from
the surface of seven, exclusive of the five excavated localities
described (Figure 4) .
CABIN 6
The location designated Cabin 6 (Figure 4), discovered during the
first field season at Buffalo Lake, was situated on the south-facing end
of a wooded copse, affording its occupants an unencumbered view to east,
west, and south, and exposure to the winter sun.
Cabin 6 was located approximately 723.11 feet (220.40 m) south and
56.90 feet (17.34 m) west of the site datum, the northwest corner of LSD
14, Section 11, Township 41, Range 20 west of the Fourth Meridian.
A few artifacts were found eroding from the southern end of this
copse, where subsurface deposits had been exposed by a trail leading to
the boy-scout camp approximately 1,000 feet (305 m) to the west. In
1979, this area was chosen for a new dump to serve the nearby tourist
campground on Buffalo Lake. All surface features were destroyed by
bulldozer and a large trench was excavated through the middle of the
cabin. This disturbance was reported, and those responsible were
persuaded to secure a new location for the dump.
Fortunately, the locality had been mapped in 1970 and 1974, and
based on these maps, it appears that Cabin 6 consisted of six features: a
large rock pile thought to be a fireplace and rising approximately two
feet (60.96 cm) above the surrounding land surface, and five adjacent
depressions 0.45 feet (13.72 cm), 0.50 feet (15.24 cm), 0.80 feet (24.38
cm), 1.0 feet (30.48 cm), and 1.5 feet (45.72 cm) below the surrounding
area (Doll and Kidd 1976:Figure 3).
CABIN 7
Cabin 7 was located 289.32 feet (88.19 m) west and 138.41 feet
(42.19 m) south of the datum, adjacent to and just south of excavated
Cabin 2. It was partially disturbed by a well-worn cow path that ran
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through a portion of it. Features consisted of a rock pile (fireplace)
1.5 feet (45.72 cm) above the ground level ond one adjacent depression
located to the southwest. At the time of mapping (1974) the depression
was 0.50 feet (15.24 cm) deep. No cabin wall lines were visible on the
surface.
CABIN 8
Cabin 8 was located 119.27 feet (36.35 m) south and 119.13 feet
(36.31 m) east of the site datum. Surface features were not readily
distinguishable owing to past agricultural activity and more recent use
of the area by cattle. Some artifacts and faunal remains were recovered
along cow paths.
CABINS 9. 10, 11 , AND 12
The old Rider/Olsen farmstead (indicated by a black triangle on
Figure 4) was located in the southeast corner of the southwest quarter of
Section 14, Township 41, Range 20 west of the Fourth Meridian. In 1974
or 1975 it was bulldozed, since its dilapidated remains posed a hazard to
cattle pastured there. At the same time, an adjacent forested area was
cleared of brush (area outlined by broken lines in Figure 4). As a
consequence, at least four former Metis cabin locations were exposed
(Figure 4). Although agricultural activity had obliterated any
above-ground features, the former locations of cabins were determined by
plotting concentrations of those artifacts that were clearly similar to
those associated with Metis cabins in excavated portions of the Buffalo
Lake and other hi vernant sites.
Cabin 9 was located approximately 1230.58 feet (375.08 m) west and
233.15 feet (71.06 m) north of the site datum. Cabin 10 was located
approximately 623.86 feet (190.15 m) west and 161.62 feet (49.26 m)
north. Cabin 11 was located approximately 1149.88 feet (350.48 m) west
and 77.60 feet (23.65 m) north. Cabin 12 was located approximately
1236.94 feet (377.02 m) west and 377.26 feet (114.99 m) north.
Concentrations of "Metis artifacts" that marked the supposed
location of cabins were often associated with burned chinking fragments,
ash concentrations, and spirally fractured bison longbones or broken ribs
with axe or knife marks rather than saw marks on them.
In the process of surface collecting, a large number of artifacts
and faunal remains clearly associated with the twentieth century
Rider/Olsen homestead were also obtained. Earthenware sherds, in
particular, helped to distinguish between households occupied in the
1870s and those occupied in the early twentieth century. A similar
collection was made from a former twentieth century homestead about four
miles away.
It was found, particularly in the case of monochrome underglaze
transfer-printed ware, that there was no overlap of patterns between the
Metis and the later Euro-Canadian occupation. Thus, for example, these
ceramics may serve as one useful characteristic in distinguishing Metis
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sites peripheral to fur trade posts from other types of historic
occupation.
Nondescript metal fragments and faunal remains proved more
problematical. Many of the metal artifacts, especially, were virtually
indistinguishable between Metis and Euro-Canadian occupations. Large
mammal bones representing bison, horse, and domestic cow were found.
Butchering marks on the cow bones generally included saw cuts and were
clearly not representative of Metis practices at Buffalo Lake (Appendix
II). Small mammal, waterfowl, and upland game bird bones were
surface-collected. Many appeared of limited age on inspection and may
have represented those hunted by the Rider and Olsen families in the
twentieth century. Because of the problem of mixing, therefore, most
metal artifacts and all faunal remains were excluded from the present
analysis .
THE ARTIFACTS OF CABINS 6 TO 12
HUNTING
Gun Parts
Gun Barrel and Breech (Figure 69 a). A percussion muzzle loading
gun barrel and breech was collected from Cabin 12. It is approximately
.72 calibre or 12 gauge, probably a single-barrel shotgun. The barrel is
round until 60 mm from the breech, where it becomes octagonal. Total
length of the barrel and breech plug is 925 mm, the barrel alone is 908
mm, and the tang is 24.22 mm. Diameter of the barrel at the breech is
32.08 mm and at the muzzle 22.62 mm. The bottom flat of the octagonal
section in front of the breech plug is marked with an "X"; otherwise
there are no marks, perhaps mainly owing to extensive corrosion of the
metal. The breech plug is provided with a place for a nipple, but the
latter has rusted away.
Beneath the barrel and attached by means of solder are two thin
copper sheet ramrod thimbles, 27.40 mm and 28.57 mm in length. Neither
the lock nor other parts of the gun were found.
CONSTRUCTION, BLACKSMITHING, AND CRAFTS
Spade Blade Fragment (Figure 69 b). Approximately one quarter of a
spade blade was found at Cabin 6. Part of the lower outer edge, showing
the blade outline, is still intact. The fragment is 148.73 mm in length,
121.97 mm in width, and 2.28 mm in thickness.
Forged Iron Hinge Fragment (Figure 69 c). A broken but very
well-made hinge was found in Cabin 6. Although not heavily used, it is
broken along the second of two countersunk perforations (5.81 mm in
diameter). The hinge is of about the size used on shutters or perhaps a
trap door, 101.30 mm in length, 26.83 mm in width, and 6.65 mm in
thickness .
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HOUSEHOLD, BUSINESS. AND PERSONAL MAINTENANCE
Earthenware
Plain White Glazed Earthenware.
Although several sherds of plain white-glazed earthenware were
collected from the Cabins 9 through 12 area, they were not
distinguishable from those of the Rider/Olsen homestead and are not
described here. Cabins 6 to 8, however, did not exhibit a mixing of
historical components.
Cup? A small fragment, possibly a rim sherd from a cup, was
collected from Cabin 7.
Monochrome Underglazed Transfer-Printed Ware.
The majority of surface-collected artifacts fall into this
category. Because they were small, and few of them fit together, no
attempt was made to determine the type of vessel. Instead, effort was
expended in identifying the manufacturer and the name or number of the
pattern, since these data were most useful for comparative purposes. A
total of 29 sherds were found, described below by cabin, and representing
the following Copeland patterns (Sussman 1979a).
(1) Cabin 6. Pattern B 772, Grapevine, Honeysuckle, Pagoda,
Pergola, Ruins (two vessels), Turco (Figure 70 a).
(2) Cabin 7. Continental Views, Meander (Figure 70 b).
(3) Cabin 9. Alhambra, British Flowers, Flower Vase, Ivy, Ruins
(Figure 70 c) .
(4) Cabin 9 and 10. From a mixed sample. Alhambra, B 700,
Continental Views, Flower Vase, Grapeviine, Ivy, Osborne, Pagoda, Pergola
(Figure 70 d).
(5) Cabin 11. Flower Vase, Pagoda (Figure 70 e) .
(6) Cabin 12. Corinthian (Figure 70 f).
Polychrome Underglaze Sponge-Stamped Ware
Of the three distinct sponge-stamped patterns identified at Buffalo
Lake, only one was represented in the surface-collected sample (Figure 71
a). It consists of reddish-brown flowers and green leaves, a pattern
described for Cabins 1 and 5 and also found in Cabin 6.
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Stoneware
Four sherds of stoneware (Figure 71 b) with a hard grey paste and
dark reddish-brown interior glaze were found on the cowpath through Cabin
7, Together they make up part of a crock 91 mm by 63 mm, with a maximum
thickness of 8.45 mm.
Glassware
Patent Medicine Bottles: Perry Davis Vegetable Pain Killer (Figure
71 c). Several medicine bottle sherds were found at Cabin 6: a
front-panel body sherd with the raised letters "DAVI," three neck sherds,
a partially melted sherd with the raised letters "EG," a partially melted
sherd with the raised letters "PER," and one melted body(?) sherd. A
side-panel sherd with the raised letter "L," also from a Perry Davis
bottle, was recovered from Cabin 9.
Sheet Metal Artifacts
Iron Can Fragment (Figure 71 d). A tinned iron can side fragment
was found in Cabin 6. It retains a lip of solder, irregularly applied to
attach one of the can ends. The end was not recovered, however.
Rectangular Ferrous Metal Container Fragments (Figure 71 e). Seven
pieces of a tin-plated ferrous metal dried food or biscuit tin were found
in Cabin 6. The edges were joined by folding rather than by soldering.
DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION
Buttons
Group I. Type 3, Glass Button (Figure 71 f). A glass sew-through
button with four holes was recovered from Cabin 6. It has a diameter of
11.29 mm and a thickness of 3.38 mm.
Group III. Type 3, Bone Button (Figure 71 g). A bone button, is
slightly larger than previously recorded examples of this type. It
measures 16.93 mm in diameter and 2.39 mm in thickness.
Beads
Drawn Tubular Beads.
Four drawn tubular beads were collected from Cabin 6. They include
one dark blue translucent bead 3.11 mm in diameter, two opaque white
beads 2.32 mm and 2.46 mm in diameter, and one Cornaline d'Aleppo bead
4.85 mm in diameter with brick-red exterior and opaque white core.
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Wound Glass Bead
A large wound, translucent cobalt-blue (7.5PB 3/12) bead (Figure
71 h), with an iridescent patina, was found in Cabin 9. It is 12.04 mm
in length with an outside diameter of 14.33 mm. The diameter of the
perforation is 3.82 mm.
Brass Ornament?
A short piece of brass wire wound like a spring (Figure 71 i) was
found in Cabin 6. It is 11.69 mm long and 6.93 mm in diameter. The
brass wire stock is 1.66 mm in diameter.
NATIVE INDUSTRIES
Chipped Stone
Several lithic artifacts were collected from the surface, especially
in the cultivated field where Cabins 9 to 12 are located. Some of these,
for example projectile points, were clearly associated with prehistoric
archaeological components, while others, such as end scrapers, retouched
flakes, and debitage, could not be positively associated with historic
features, although there is evidence for such association in some of the
excavated cabins.
FAUNAL MATERIALS FROM CABINS 6 TO 1 2
Fauna! remains were surface-collected from Cabin localities 6 to 12
only slightly less consistently than other representations of human
activity. Only the sample recovered from Cabin 6 appears not to be mixed
with remains of later occupations, and therefore they are included in
Kooyman's analysis (Appendix II), while those from Cabins 7 to 12 are not.
DISCUSSION
With the exception of Cabin 7, the possible structures dealt with in
this chapter retained only the barest of architectural information.
Based upon the artifact inventory, however, these structures appeared to
be contemporaneous with the five partially excavated cabins.
The total artifact inventory itself has been slightly enlarged
quantitatively and, more important, qualitatively through these surface
collections. The gun barrel and breech confirms hypotheses concerning
types of firearms used. Until its recovery, only the ammunition
indicated these firearm types. The spade blade is also an addition to
the tools known from the site. In particular, it would have been
important in excavating cellars and borrow pits during the construction
phase.
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The forged iron hinge suggests that either shutters or a trap door
was used in Cabin 6, the latter being more probable. Tom Court (personal
communication) has suggested that such a hinge would be much too light
for use on a cabin door.
The work of Lynn Sussman (1979a, 1979b) was again invaluable in
distinguishing between nineteenth century Metis ceramics and those used
by early twentieth century Euro-Canadian homesteaders. Not only were
Copeland patterns identified that were identical to those from the
excavated cabins, but a few previously unrecorded nineteenth century
patterns at Buffalo Lake were added to the list.
Two additional cabins (6 and 9) produced evidence of Perry Davis
Vegetable Pain Killer, suggesting that it was in very common use in the
community. Toothache may have been an increasingly common complaint, as
there appears to have been a fairly high consumption of sugar and
preserved foods, many conducive to dental caries and possibly gum
disease. We may wonder if the use of patent medicines tended to replace
ethno-pharmaceutical remedies.
Other artifacts collected from Cabins 6 to 12 complement those
recovered during the systematic excavation of Cabins 1 to 5.
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CHAPTER X
COMPARISONS
The Buffalo Lake Metis site, as it existed in the 1870's, was
complex in terms of settlement patterns and community make-up. At least
88 known cabins were tentatively identified in the archaeological record
and doubtless many more were destroyed or remain to be discovered.
Indeed, if the total area adjacent to the undisturbed portion of the site
is taken into account, an additional 37 to 72 cabins may yet be
identified. This would give a total of between 125 and 160 cabins for
the Buffalo Lake and Boss Hill wintering sites, a realistic total given
the maximum population figures for the years 1875 and 1876 (see Chapter
III). Thus, at best, Provincial Museum researchers have sampled little
more than five per cent of the known structures and three per cent of the
possible structures, excluding those from which small surface collections
were made.
The remaining cabin locations appear to be organized in clusters,
with the odd isolated structure as well. The historical record documents
at least part of the make-up of this wintering community. Metis with
varying degrees of commitment to the life of the hunt formed the core
Many other Metis wintered here as free traders, whisky traders (in some
cases synonymous), clerks and employees of the Hudson's Bay Company, and
private entrepreneurs on freighting and supply contracts with the
Catholic and Prostestant missions at St. Albert and Victoria. In
addition, there were several native hunting bands wintering nearby that
were closely associated with the community. White missionaries, notably
the Oblates from St. Albert, Euro-American and Euro-Canadian free
traders, and North West Mounted Policemen also wintered or conducted some
of their affairs at the Buffalo Lake site.
Buffalo Lake appears to have been the largest wintering community in
the Upper Saskatchewan, and probably in the Canadian Northwest. In order
to begin establishing a basis from which to characterize the nature of
hi vernant sites, the data generated by our own small-scale excavations
must be compared to data from other sites that existed within the same
general time frame, or with which the residents of Buffalo Lake or other
Metis had some form of contact. Therefore, given the make-up of the
community at Buffalo Lake, three types of sites will be examined. First
of all, other wintering sites will be on the first level of comparison.
Secondly, free trader's sites of the same general period will be
examined. Finally, the examination of a number of established posts of
the Hudson's Bay Company will constitute the third level of comparison.
METIS WINTERING SITES
The Cypress Hills
Archaeological research at Metis wintering sites is still in its
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infancy. Nevertheless, the interest in this type of research goes back
at least to 1959, when Richard G. Forbis surveyed the Buffalo Lake area.
Actual excavation was to take place later.
During the summer of 1966, Robson Bonnichsen and Norman Zierhut,
graduate students from the University of Alberta, surveyed three Metis
wintering sites in the Cypress Hills of southeastern Alberta and the
adjacent portion of Saskatchewan. These sites or cabin clusters were
defined by proximity, each cabin in a cluster being within 100 yards of
another, while clusters themselves were more than 100 yards apart
(Elliott 1971:34). At that time Bonnichsen selected one cabin to
partially excavate on the site that was designated DjOo 120, at the "Head
of the Mountain" (Figure 1), also commonly known as the Kajewski Cabin
site after Lawrence Kajewski, the land owner and local informant.
In 1969, Jack Elliott returned to DjOo 120, surveyed five additional
cabins, making a total of six, and designated them Cabins A to F.
Elliott used data derived from excavation of two of the cabins (B and E)
as a basis for his Master's thesis in the Department of Archaeology,
University of Calgary. Of all research to date, Elliott's is the most
comprehensive and most comparable to the Buffalo Lake data.
Ecological Comparisons, Elliott
There are notable ecological similarities between the sites in the
Cypress Hills and at Buffalo Lake. Elliott (1971:11) suggested that the
Cypress Hills fauna are more characteristic of the Aspen Parkland than
the Plains. A comparison shows that 83 per cent of bird species are
common to both sites (Elliott 1871:14-15; Doll 1982:196-204). Likewise,
78 per cent of the mammalian species are comparable (Elliott 1971:12-13;
Doll 1982:194-195; Hugh Smith, personal communication). In addition, a
comparison of reptiles and amphibians revealed 71 per cent of the
observed species to be the same (Elliott 1971:16; Doll 1982:206; Hugh
Smith, personal communication).
There is a similarity in mean yearly temperature, both areas
averaging 36°F. Mean yearly precipitation is almost the same: the
Cypress Hills averages 18.5 inches and Buffalo Lake averages 16 inches
(Elliott 1971:17; Doll 1982:14). Soils are also similar (Elliott 1971:
17; Doll 1982:13), as is vegetation with respect to the aspen-dominated
communities. In general, however, because of the role of elevation,
there is more variety in communities in the Cypress Hills, ranging from
grassland to climax spruce vegetation. Both areas have abundant
permanent sources of water, dominated by lakes and marshes. In the past,
bison wintered in both areas.
The general conclusion is that the Cypress Hills and Buffalo Lake
are ecologically similar and that this general ecological situation
formed part of the attraction of the two areas as wintering sites.
Elliott (1971:24-25) addressed this issue, suggesting that the
attractions of the Cypress Hills included easy access to water, firewood,
building materials, and protection from winter blizzards. These,
however, are not the only factors in selection of the wintering sites.
Equally important were those many economic and other cultural
considerations that have been discussed particularly in Chapters II and
III.
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Architectural Comparisons, Elliott
At the Buffalo Lake site, preservation of wood features was
extremely poor. Similar problems existed in the Cypress Hills, although
wood tended to be preserved a little better because the walls of both
cabins studied by Elliott had been burned (Elliott 1971:27). Similar
features defined the cabin units. Elliott (1971:24). noted that:
". . .the cabin walls are defined by low linear mounds of chinking,
hemispherical clay chimney mounds in a corner or centred on one wall, and
associated pit depressions." For the Cypress Hills site, Elliott defined
three major units: the cabin structure itself, three or more outside pits
at least six feet from the cabin, and the space between the cabin and the
pits.
At Buffalo Lake, since none of the cabins was completely excavated,
nor were the areas between the interior and exterior features, units were
defined differently. These included the cabin walls, the fireplace, the
internal depressions, and the external depressions. The number and
nature of units would have increased if larger areas could have been
excavated within the cabins, in their immediate invirons, and between
cabins in a defined cluster. Based on the observed surface features at
Cabin 5, architectural units and their patterning seem to have been more
complex than at the other localities examined. Possibly these were the
buildings of a trader.
In the Cypress Hills, Elliott (1971:25) demonstrated that local
materials were used in cabin construction. Chimney forms and floor
boards were made from spruce or pine, while spruce or pine and poplar
were used interchangeably for the walls. He suggested that the corners
of Cabin B were either notched and successively overlapped, or were
joined by tongue-and-groove construction. There was, however, no
archaeological evidence for the presence of one form over the other.
Likewise, at Buffalo Lake there was a lack of archaeological data to
support either construction method. However, historical accounts of the
construction of wintering villages or camps generally agree on a number
of points: the cabins were made from local materials; they were built
very rapidly within a day or two; they had mud or clay fireplaces located
in the interior; and they were plastered inside and out with clay to form
a snug, warm structure.
Buildings at fur trade posts took longer to erect, as suggested in
Alexander Henry's account of Fort White Earth (Coues 1897:616):
The men have finished the Indian house excepting the upper
flooring, for which we have no plank. The house, 70 x 20
feet, has beeen exactly one month in building, since the
wood was all upon the spot; five men were working
continuously.
In the Cypress Hills, Elliott's two cabins were of different sizes
and configurations. Cabin B comprised two rooms built at the same time,
each measuring 15 feet by 14.5 feet. Cabin E was a single-roomed
structure measuring 19.5 feet by 16.5 feet. A door sill was located in
the centre of the wall opposite the fireplace in Cabin E and, presumably,
two doors were similarly centred opposite the fireplaces in Cabin B.
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A single clay hearth was centred on the northwest wall inside each
of the three rooms in the two cabins. Fireplaces in each room were
periodically cleaned of charcoal and charred material and plastered with
white clay (Elliott 1971:27).
Fire pans or holes were also replastered at Buffalo Lake, presumably
when the cabins were reoccupied in the fall, and with the purpose of
repairing damage done by spring and summer rains. In some instances,
charcoal, ash, and some artifacts, notably melted glass and nails, were
left in the firebox to be plastered over. This resulted in stratified
deposits that suggest the use of the cabins for at least three seasons.
In both sites, interior and exterior pits had been excavated
vertically. The forms varied from conical to bell shaped. One of those
at Buffalo Lake (Feature 6 in Cabin 5) was definitely rectangular in
outline before the collapse of the upper walls resulted in the presently
rounded outline. One pit in the Cypress Hills was excavated horizontally
into a nearby stream bank.
The two interior pits in the south room of Cabin B in the Cypress
Hills appeared to have stratified deposits. Unfortunately, there was a
general lack of stratification in the cabin as a whole, so that it
remains impossible to correlate the pit deposits with Elliott's proposed
activity areas in the cabin interior. In addition, two outside pits were
noted for Cabin B. One was a refuse pit. The other, containing loose
fill that was dark and organic, was suggested to be a meat cache pit
(Elliott 1971 :36).
Similar exterior pits were present at Buffalo Lake with one "clean"
bark-lined example at Cabin 4 interpreted as a meat-storage feature.
Other exterior pits with loose, dark, organic fill perhaps served
ultimately as refuse pits rather than meat cache pits as would be
suggested by Elliott. More than likely, fresh frozen meat would have
been stored inside sheds or ice houses, or on raised stages or platforms,
to prevent its plunder by the numerous dogs that roamed the site.
Elliott (1971:85) notes that there were no stables or other
outbuildings at the Cypress Hills site. However, the presence of meat
cache pits might account for a few such non-residential structures. The
Fort Benton weekly recording of 23 January 1880 describes a Metis cabin
of two rooms including the "... indispensable meat house" contained
under one roof (Elliott 1971:85). Elliott, however, found no
archeological evidence for this type of feature. All the rooms of the
two cabins were interpreted as being occupied by ". . .a small nomadic
nuclear family with a sexual division of labour" (Elliott 1971:48). At
Buffalo Lake, such a feature as an attached "meat house" may have been
present in the, as yet, unexcavated complex associated with Cabin 5.
Artifactual Comparisons, Elliott
Through the kindness of Dr. R. G. Forbis, University of Calgary, M.
Doll was able to examine the Cypress Hills assemblage in order to make
comparisons with the one from Buffalo Lake. Architectural features, with
some exceptions, in both Cypress Hills and Buffalo Lake sites are very
similar. So, too, are the artifact samples recovered. Similar or
identical artifact types in the Hunting category recovered from the
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Cypress Hills include the seemingly ubiquitous .44 calibre Henry flat
rimfire cartridge cases along with muzzle-loading gun parts, musket
balls, lead shot, lead bullets, and knives.
In the Construction, Blacksmi thing, and Crafts category, comparable
artifacts include a triangular file, an axe, a bevel led-edge hide-
scraping tool, wrought iron nails, machine-cut nails, and a hinge.
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance category artifacts
were very similar to those from Buffalo Lake, particularly plain white
earthenware, monochrome transfer-printed earthenware with Copeland
patterns (Table 18, Appendix III), polychrome sponge-stamped earthenware,
lead foil from tea containers, and hard rubber combs. Medicine bottles,
such as Perry Davis Vegetable Pain Killer, and liquor bottles were quite
common. Window glass, suggesting the presence of glazed windows, was
more common than at Buffalo Lake, while mirror glass was equally common.
Besides lead foil, other similar metal artifacts included trunk or box
strapping, food cans, metal box or biscuit tin fragments, perforated
metal sheet, and a metal spoon handle. Food cans were appreciably more
abundant in the Cypress Hills, perhaps indicating a longer occupation, a
better supply of manufactured goods, or scarcer natural food resources.
At least one artifact recovered from a depression associated with
Cabin B is indicative of the direction of commercial interchange. Here
was found a United States silver quarter dollar, dated 1877, and bearing
the Carson City, Nevada, mint mark. An earlier (1857) United States
silver half-dime was recovered from a similar feature at Cabin 3, Buffalo
Lake, also suggesting exchange with American traders.
Although there was no archaeological evidence in the Cypress Hill
for the use of dogs in transportation, there was ample evidence for the
use of horses, including several types of artifacts not recorded from
Buffalo Lake. Similar artifacts include horseshoe nails, harness rings,
and metal harness buckles.
If similar button types can be interpreted as representing similar
clothing types, there is archaeological evidence suggesting that the
occupants of both sites dressed similarly and that Euro-Canadian or
Euro-American styles and products formed the dominant mode. Certainly,
photographs of Metis taken in the Canadian Northwest in the 1870' s
document a dramatic shift in clothing styles over the three previous
decades from more native to more Euro-Canadian. Paul Kane and other
artists painting around the Fort Edmonton area provide good pre-
photographic data for the earlier period.
Glass, shell, bone, and metal buttons of the same types occurred
with relatively high frequency in all cabins at both Cypress Hills and
Buffalo Lake sites. Glass beads, used both as jewelry and as adornment
on clothing, were also recovered from both cabins in the Cypress Hills.
The types, such as drawn tubular, wire-wound, and facetted, are more or
less the same as those from Buffalo Lake, with seed beads (221 examples)
dominating the Cypress Hills sample. At Buffalo Lake the total number of
beads, and particularly of seed beads, exceeds the number from the
Cypress Hills by a ratio of over 500 to 1. This disparity, however, may
only reflect the discard of one or two heavily beaded artifacts at
Buffalo Lake. In addition, special care was taken with the fill from
refuse pits at Buffalo Lake in order to maximize recovery of microfauna,
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botanical remains, and seed beads, and such meticulous laboratory
techniques were probably not employed with the Cypress Hills sample.
Clay smoking pipe fragments, a brass tube made from a cut-off
cartridge case, and a leather boot heel were recovered in the Cypress
Hills. This last artifact suggests at least the partial adoption of
Euro-Canadian footwear. Photographs of the period show men wearing
either commercially tanned leather boots or native-tanned moccassins.
A most interesting similarity was the occurrence of stone artifacts
at both sites. Similar tools included projectile points, end scrapers,
retouched flakes, utilized flakes, bifaces, bipolar split pebbles, cores,
and debitage. These were excavated from all three rooms of the two
cabins in the Cypress Hills, within the various pits, and immediately
outside the structures (Elliott 1971:43). Elliott realized the
possibility that the cabins were constructed on the top of a prehistoric
component, as is demonstrated in the case of Cabin 4 at Buffalo Lake, or
that prehistoric stone artifacts may have been transported as curios into
the various cabin areas. However, he preferred to interpret their
presence as a valid part of the historic assemblage (Elliott 1971:50-51).
. . . the abundance of flake detritus from the manufacture
of flake stone tools and stone pipes, the stratigraphic
relationship between the aboriginal and White artifacts in
discrete activity areas — appears to more strongly support
the hypothesis of in situ manufacture and use of aboriginal
tools by the Hivernants.
Fauna! Comparsions, Elliott
The fauna! materials from both sites are characterized by species
variety. Though dominated by bison, several other species of mammals,
birds, and fish were utilized as food. The analysis of the butchering
patterns of large mammals at both sites was conducted by Kooyman (1981)
and has, for the purposes of this monograph, been re-examined in light of
more recent evidence (Appendix II) Not dealt with in any similar way
were the remains of twenty different species of smaller mammals
(non-ungulates), birds, and fish that were also consumed as food. With
respect to these latter categories, Elliott (1971:46) concludes:
I am left with the impression that every available faunal
species was repeatedly utilized. In effect, sufficient
ecological-dietary stress (such as the extermination of the
buffalo herds) may have been partially responsible for a
shift to other faunal food resources, and for maintaining a
minimum social unit size of three persons among the Cypress
Hills Hivernants.
Architectural Comparisons. Bonnichsen
The second comparable body of archaeological data from the Cypress
Hills is Bonnichsen's initial work at Cabin A in 1966 and 1967. This was
the first of the three to be excavated out of a wintering village of 19
cabins (Bonnichsen et al. 1973).
- 217 -
There is a high degree of conformity in construction and placement
of features between Cabin A and Cabins B and E. Cabin A, measuring 33
feet by 16 feet (528 square feet), also had a wooden floor and was
divided into two rooms. It was associated with three exterior pits. The
cabin was occupied by at least a nuclear family on at least three
stratigraphical ly distinguishable occasions. The nature and duration of
occupation in the second room of the cabin could not be determined, as it
was not excavated.
Bonnichsen suggested that clustering of artifacts did not reflect
activity areas, but occurred in low spots on the cabin floor and was
caused by erosion and other physical forces under the influence of
gravity. In criticising Elliott's hypothetical activity areas for Cabins
B and E, he stated:
Furthermore, since three separate occupations had occurred
and no stratigraphy was present except within some of the
cache pits, any clustering which did occur could not be
considered representative of activity areas in use during
any one occupation . . . since Cabins B and E (Elliott
1971:28, 41) like Cabin A have no stratigraphy outside of
the cache pits and appear to have had more than one
occupation, we question that the resulting artifact
clusters represent bona fide activity areas (Bonnichsen et
al. 1973:26-27). ^
There are problems of strat igraphic correlation in all three cabins
in the Cypress Hills. Nevertheless, at least three occupations are
indicated. These are ill defined, and the dating, between 1840 and 1885,
generally by means of historic artifacts, remains imprecise. The
estimated terminal date of 1885 for Cabin A was based on the faunal
remains at the top of the pits, where bison and domestic sheep were found
together. This was the latest reasonable date for hunting bison when
domestic sheep were already present in appreciable numbers (Bonnichsen et
al. 1973:33-35).
In most respects, Cabin A is architecturally similar to Cabins B and
E and, with a few notable exceptions, for example the presence of wooden
flooring, is quite similar to cabins at Buffalo Lake.
Artifactual Comparisons, Bonnichsen
Thanks to the Cypress Hills Provincial Park Interpretive Center and
the Department of Anthropology, University of Alberta, M. Doll was able
to re-examine this assemblage. The comparison of artifact types
reinforces the cultural and temporal contemporaneity of the Cypress Hills
and Buffalo Lake sites. Artifacts from Cabin A in the Hunting category
were comparable to those from Buffalo Lake. Again the ubiquitous .44
Henry flat rimfire cartridge cases were found, along with .44-40
centrefire cartridge cases for the 1873 Winchester, muzzle-loading gun
parts, a percussion cap box lid, musket balls, lead shot, and brass-based
shotgun shells made by Eley Brothers of London.
- 218 -
Machine-cut nails were common in Cabin A, slightly more plentiful
than at Buffalo Lake because they were used in securing flooring. One
wrought nail, some heavy wire stock, and a cast rather than forged axe
head were also found.
Household, Business, and Personal Maintenance artifacts similar to
those from Buffalo Lake included, plain, transfer-printed,
sponge-stamped, and painted earthenwares (Table 18, Appendix III).
Melted glass was recovered from the fireplace, while in other areas
fragments of patent medicine bottles, transparent green bottle glass,
cobalt blue glass, and mirror glass, were recovered. However, no window
glass was found. Again, hard rubber comb teeth were present.
Similar metal household artifacts included a stamped iron spoon,
tinned iron food cans, iron pot hooks, lead foil, a sewing needle, thin
lead sheet, perhaps from black powder containers, and perforated metal
sheet. Again, tinned iron food cans were more abundant here than at
Buffalo Lake.
Artifacts related to Dress and Ornamentation comparable to those
from Buffalo Lake were dominated by glass beads and buttons made from
various materials. A total of 2,684 beads were recovered from Cabin A
(Bonnichsen et al. 1973:77). Of these, 2,675 were made from drawn glass
tubing, and 84 per cent of those were of seed bead size. As in the
Buffalo Lake sample, Cornaline d'Aleppo beads made up part of the
sample. Four hundred and fifty-six were found.
Several identical button types were recovered, including five types
of glass buttons, one bone button type, and two types of metal buttons.
The shell button types recovered were similar, but not identical, to
those at Buffalo Lake.
Other artifacts related to clothing included metal hook and eye
fasteners and a presumed piece of green fabric that appears rather like a
moleskin. The fragments of textile from Buffalo Lake are not similar to
this material (Appendix I).
One artifact related to religion was overlooked in the original
analysis (Bonnichsen et al. 1973), but discovered by Doll upon
re-examination of the assemblage. This was a rusted triangular medal
section of a rosary, from the corners of which prayer beads were
suspended. This artifact suggests the possibility that the occupants
were of the Roman Catholic faith.
Stone tools were recovered from the cabin floor and from the cache
pits of Cabin A. Because they had irregular outlines and cross-sections,
Bonnichsen found them difficult to classify. However, he essentially
agrees that stone artifacts were made and used by the Cypress Hills
Metis (Bonnichsen et al. 1973:88):
The flaking of the specimens is uneven and lacks symmetry,
suggesting that the implements do not represent a stone
flaking tradition surviving from the prehistoric period . . .
the tools are undoubtedly a product of ad hoc technology.
Perhaps the only contentious issue between Eliott and Bonnichsen in
the interpretation of lithic tools from the Cypress Hills is whether they
- 219 -
represent the survival of a prehistoric native tradition or were a
technological expediency.
The Green Wintering Site.
The Green Wintering site (ElPg 2) is located approximately 50 miles
(80 kilometres) south of the Buffalo Lake Metis site, situated above the
normal high water line on the east bank of the Red Deer River between the
present-day communities of Trochu and Rumsey, Alberta. The site was
visited in 1968 by J. S. Nicks, then Historic Sites Officer at the
Provincial Museum and Archives of Alberta, at which time a general map
was drafted. Subsequently, the site was visited by Doll and J. A.
Villa-Arce, in company with Edgar Riep. Although the site was heavily
overgrown, a number of surface features were still evident, particularly
the outline of at least two buildings.
Architecture
Nick's 1968 map (on file, Provincial Museum of Alberta) shows the
outline of two structures. One is approximately 22 feet by 18 feet (396
square feet), with a fireplace located half way along the east wall, the
long axis of the cabin. A second mound, not indicated as a fireplace, is
located in the northeast corner of the structure. The second structure,
located about eight feet to the north, with its long axis parallel to the
river, measures 24 feet by 18 feet (432 square feet). It has two corner
fireplaces, one in the northwest and one in the southeast corners. In
addition, there is a third cluster of features located on the same
terrace, but about 200 feet downstream. This appears to represent a
third building with a single fireplace or mound and two depressions. No
wall lines are indicated.
Observations in Doll's field notes (on file, Provincial Museum of
Alberta) concerning the second structure described above conform exactly
with Nicks' map. However, the measurements of the first structure given
in the notes are 30 feet by 18 feet (540 square feet). The clay and
sandstone mounds appear to be two corner fireplaces, one in the northwest
and one in the southwest corner. Doll's survey missed the features
located by Nicks 200 feet to the south, but recorded a separate chimney
pile north of the second structure and not shown on Nicks' map.
Judging strictly from surface evidence, there were up to four
structures on the site, two of which may have been divided into two
rooms, each with its own corner fireplace. These fireplaces appear to
have been made from slabs of local sandstone with chimneys of mud plaster
on a framework of poles. Disturbance of a fireplace feature by
pothunters showed that the hearths or aprons as well were constructed
from flat slabs of sandstone. No observations were made as to the
preservation of wood.
M. Forsman (1980a:45) excavated eight square metres of the Green
Wintering site in 1979. He did not mention the presence of any visible
wall lines, stating only that ". . . cultural features at the site
included several low mounds and depressions" (Forsman 1980b:4), later
enumerated as three mounds and two depressions. Forsman (1980b:4)
- 220 -
described one fireplace, possibly the southeast corner fireplace of the
first structure, as having a slightly expanding "IP shape and a sandstone
slab front. Nothing other than ash was recovered in this feature.
A second fireplace excavated by Forsman, possibly the northwest
corner fireplace of the second or more northern structure, was associated
with a well-preserved wooden member (Forsman 1980b:7). However,
preservation was not sufficiently good to determine whether logs were
squared, nor what the corner joints were like (M. Forsman, personal
communication), and there was no opportunity to continue the testing.
Artifacts
Artifacts possibly coming from this site observed by Doll in private
collections include two blade-type tof fey-colored gunflints and one iron
projectile point. However, at least six tipi sites and their associated
hearths were observed less than a quarter mile to the south and on the
same flood plain as the Green Wintering site, and these, too, may have
been a source of historic artifacts.
In Forsman's excavations, a percussion cap and a number of
"square-cut" (machine-cut?) nails were recovered near the fireplace.
Other artifacts reported from the site include several "hand-made square
nails," a metal button, and a white bead.
Discussion
Nicks, Forsman, and Doll are in agreement that the Green Wintering
site probably dates from the latter half of the nineteenth century.
However, there is insufficient data to determine whether the cabins
formed a Metis wintering complex or were possibly a free-trader's post.
There is no historical record that it served either as a Hudson's Bay
Company outpost or a North West Mounted Police post. Day makes the
observation that no 1870' s references to this site have been found to
date. However, this does not exclude the possibility of a pre~smallpox
occupation, when two families to a house would have been normal.
Families with kinship ties to the Blackfeet, such as the Birds and the
Munros, are possible contenders as pre-smallpox occupants of the Green
Wintering site.
Lac La Biche
The historical record documents the importance of the Lac La Biche
area to northern water transportation and to the fur trade from the late
eighteenth century. French-Canadan families were also present from the
earliest times. There is an equally long association with Metis
families, a number of which also wintered at Buffalo Lake.
On the north shore of Lac La Biche (Figure 1), Tom Maccagno has
frequently collected historic artifacts from a cultivated field and made
them available to the Provincial Museum for comparative study. No
structural elements were preserved on the site, but the artifacts compare
closely with those from Buffalo Lake. In particular, there are at least
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seven underglaze transfer-printed earthenware patterns, manufactured by
Copeland (Table 18, Appendix III), that are identical. In addition,
plain white earthenware, sponge-stamped ware, and painted earthenware are
all comparable.
This location (Figure 1) may have been a wintering site, although
there is yet no conclusive evidence. The artifact sample is consistent
with that from other sites that date from the 1870s. The site itself was
located away from the local mission, Hudson's Bay Company store, and free
traders' posts. In addition, the land on which it is located has had a
long tradition of Metis tenure (Tom Maccagno, personal communication).
Batoche
A survey in 1976 of the more permanent Metis community at Batoche,
in the Lower Saskatchewan District (Figure 1) located a possible Metis
hi vernant camp as well (Donahue 1977:29; Putt 1977:55). Situated on a
low terrace of the South Saskatchewan River, the surface features of site
21N37 included a large central depression surrounded by four smaller
ones. The large depression yielded a few pieces of wood but no other
artifacts. As on other Metis cabin sites, the wall lines were indicated
by clay overlying black soil, and corners were apparent in the plan view
(Donahue 1977:29).
A few artifacts, not described in the report, were recovered from
ash lenses in two of the depressions. Although Donahue does not propose
a date for this structure, Putt (1977:55) suggests that it was occupied
prior to 1870. Putt (1977:55) also observes that: ". . . the structural
remains and assemblage content . . . are comparable to those described
for the Cypress Hills hivernant Metis."
La Petite Ville
Located on the west bank of the South Saskatchewan River near
Batoche (Figure 1), this wintering site, believed to have been occupied
between 1870 and 1874, was situated approximately 40 to 80 metres from
the river (Donahue et al. 1978:75). Archaeological data were sparse.
The site consisted of approximately 40 depressions, 15 of which were in
linear clusters, others in groups of three to six, and still others
isolated (Donahue et al. 1978:75). These depressions ranged from 0.5
metres to 3.0 metres in diameter and 0.25 metres to 1.5 metres in depth.
Approximately half were greater than 1.5 metres in diameter. Field
stones adjacent to two depressions may have served as hearth or log
supports, although the latter use might be more typical of building
levelling techniques in permanent communities rather than temporary
wintering sites.
To date, full and reliable comparative data from known Metis
wintering sites in Saskatchewan are not available. Some such sites are
only now being surveyed and tested, with results from field work during
the 1986 season still, as of this writing, in process of analysis (David
Burley, personal communication).
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FREE TRADER'S POSTS
The sites of free trader's posts contain a second level of
comparative archaeological data that will enhance our understanding of
the Buffalo Lake material. These sites and their assemblages can
potentially provide data on a source of supply of trade goods alternative
to Hudson's Bay Company posts. Secondly, data from these sites may
possibly enable us to distinguish between free traders's houses and
hunter's houses at Buffalo Lake. There appear to have been at least 26
free traders at Buffalo Lake in 1875 (Andre 1870-1884), in addition to
the Hudson's Bay outpost established by Francis Whitford. Robert
Hamilton (1875), a more reliable source than Andre, lists 30 individuals
by name.
Two free trader's posts with occupations reliably dated to the
1870's were excavated in 1972 by Jack Elliott. Both are located in the
Fort Walsh National Historic Park in the Cypress Hills of Saskatchewan
(Figure 1). Solomon's and Farwell's posts were Euro-American whisky
trading posts that also had the dubious distinction of marking the site
of the Cypress Hills Massacre of June 1, 1873. Here a number of Canadian
and American wolf hunters and traders massacred a number of Assiniboines
who had been camped nearby.
Solomon's Post
Architecture
Solomon's Post consisted of a two-room cabin with cellar, an
attached stockade area, and two outside refuse pits, perhaps abandoned
cache pits (Elliott 1973:7). One room measured 17 feet by 13 feet and
had a wooden floor and a cellar. The cellar, of undetermined diameter,
was 1.7 feet deep. The second room measured 17 feet square and had a
dirt floor.
Corners of the cabin were of saddle-notch construction, and the
recovery of glass suggested that windows had been present. There was no
evidence for stoves or fireplaces. However, there was evidence for a
stockade, measuring 31 feet by 14 feet, or possibly for a raised room of
the same dimensions supported on posts. The exterior refuse pits were 16
feet and 15 feet in diameter and 1.5 feet and 1.4 feet deep.
Architecturally, this structure was markedly different from those cabins
excavated either in the Cypress Hills or at Buffalo Lake. It is
important, nevertheless, to know that the saddle-notch building style was
present in the Canadian Northwest in the 1870's.
Artifacts
Solomon's Post, however, yielded several artifacts similar to those
from Buffalo Lake (Elliott 1973:22-26). Several types of fixed
ammunition were used, with .44 Henry flat rimfire and .44-40 centrefire
common to both sites. Other artifacts in common include triangular
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files, a steel spade, machi ne -cut nails, a copper rivet, table flatware
(although the Solomon's Post examples are of a different pattern than
those from Buffalo Lake), patent medicine bottles (including the most
common, Perry Davis Vegetable Pain Killer), abundant glass, tin cans,
barrel hoops, and harness rings. Also recovered at Solomon's Post was an
object described as a brass tension spring identical to a piece of coiled
brass wire from Cabin 6. Interestingly enough, stone tools were found,
consisting of a utilized flake, a unifacial cobble chopper, and a split
pebble tool .
Faunal remains from Solomon's Post consisted of fresh -water clam,
horse, elk, and bison.
Farwel 1 ' s Post
Architecture
Farwell's Post, located a short distance from Solomon's, consisted
of a one-room cabin with wooden floor, two attached stockades measuring
14 feet by 11 feet, and exterior depressions, including three refuse
pits, a cache pit, and three other empty pits.
The cabin itself measured 21 feet by 14 feet, with glass indicating
the presence of windows. As at Solomon's Post, there was no evidence of
a stove nor of a stone -and-clay fireplace and chimney. The cabin had a
cellar used for whisky storage, evidenced by metal hoops and staves from
large barrels (Elliott 1973:11). Livestock was apparently contained
within the stockade.
Artifacts
Farwell's Post also yielded several artifacts similar to those from
Buffalo Lake. Included are .44 Henry flat rimfire ammunition,
machine-cut nails, medicine bottles, window glass, tin cans, barrel
hoops, and a rubber comb (Elliott 1973:22-26).
Faunal Material
Faunal materials reflected the utilization of a greater variety of
species than at Solomon's Post. Identified remains were those of grouse,
white-tailed jack rabbit, ground squirrel, prairie dog, muskrat, beaver,
coyote or domestic dog, wolf, deer, elk, and bison.
Based on the faunal material at both Solomon's and Farwell's posts,
Elliott (1973:41) suggested that the sites were occupied during winter
and spring. Lack of gnawing on the bones suggested that there were no
domestic dogs on the post, unlike the situation at Buffalo Lake.
Elliott (1973:11) suggests that the diet at Farwell's Post included
pemmican produced on the site, but that the majority of the food was
provided by canned and packaged staples from Fort Benton, Montana.
The stratigraphy of both posts indicated a single occupation. Both
appear to have been burned then abandoned the day after the Cypress Hills
Massacre of June 1, 1873, or very shortly thereafter (Elliott 1973:16).
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Documentary Material
A very useful body of data discovered by Elliott was Farwell's
accounts with T. C. Powers & Bro. of Fort Benton, Montana. These
accounts cover the period between 1869 and 1874 and record many of the
goods that Farwell supposedly had for trade. Equally important, they
provide insight into the types of goods that other free traders, white
American or Metis, would have had available as far north as Buffalo Lake
or even St. Albert.
The following list of goods supplied to Farwell is a condensation of
an appendix in Elliott's report (1973:37-40), and it includes only those
items for which there is archaeological evidence at Buffalo Lake. The
goods include pants, shirts, men's and ladies' shoes and boots, infantry
dress coats (possibly the origin of the U.S. Army button from Cabin 3 at
Buffalo Lake), silk handkerchiefs, set jewelery, black combs, fine-tooth
combs (louse combs?), wood mirrors (round mirrors?), plain cut mirrors,
bottles of pain killer, hooks -and-eyes , black linen thread, papers of
needles, bulk buttons, large flat buttons, large ball buttons, brass ball
buttons, shirt buttons, vest buttons, brass wire, brass tacks, hawk
bells, bundles of seed beads, chalk white seed beads, ruby seed beads,
lemon seed beads, green seed beads, Cornelia seed beads (Cornaline
d'Aleppo beads?), assorted cut seed beads, Fine Gold cut seed beads,
brass beads, Henry rifles, Henry rifles-old, revolvers, Henry cartridges
[thousands], Winchester cartridges [thousands] (.44-40 centref i re?) , kegs
of powder, bags of B shot, sacks of trade balls, No. "E" gun caps, pistol
caps, musket caps, black gunflints, 5 1/2 inch skinning and butcher
knives, boxes of axes, bastard files, a three-hoop bucket, lamps and
chimneys, shovels, door locks, padlocks, harness strap, strap hinges,
boxes of window glass, brass kettles, pint tin cups, breakfast and dinner
plates, bowls, common knives and forks, iron table spoons, bottled and
canned foods including sardines, pickles, peaches, oysters, chicken,
yeast, lard, condensed milk, lima beans, string beans, tomatoes, raisins,
dried apples, soda crackers, and ginger snaps. In addition, there were
chests of tea, whisky barrels, and various items in jugs and bottles.
Goods similar to all of these would have found their way to Buffalo Lake
through free traders and agents of the Hudson's Bay Company.
The list reflects in large measure the clients for whom the goods
were intended. Many in this condensed version, as well as those not
included (Elliott 1973:37-40, Appendix B) , were used for the construction
of the post, while others were consumed on site. However, a great number
certainly appear to have been earmarked for the Metis trade, since many
would have been useless to native bands at that time. Many goods appear
to have been intended for people who lived in houses or cabins for at
least part of the year.
Discussion
In summary, archaeological data from Solomon's and Farwell's posts
reflect some very basic differences from the Buffalo Lake Metis site.
Architecturally, these differences are characterized by the lack of clay
and stone chimney and fireplace features, the incorporation of more
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glazed windows, and the use of stockades to house livestock and perhaps
for defensive purposes.
Many types of artifacts found at the posts bear close similarity to
those from Buffalo Lake, but the most substantial differences,
quantitative and qualitative, are evident in the Household, Business and
Personal Maintenance and the Dress and Ornamentation categories.
Although both sites yielded stone tools, the sample from the posts
appears to have been clearly of prehistoric origin (Elliott 1973:12).
There are obvious differences in diet as well, with a much greater
reliance at the free trader's posts on prepared pemmican and on tinned
and commercially packaged staples.
Given the long list of goods purchased by Farwell, one would have
expected more of them to appear in the archaeological record. Instead,
one is left to conclude that the majority were passed on to others in the
trade, with only a few consumed on the post itself, and that a large
proportion of the items listed was intended for the Metis trade. The
data also confirm that supposed whisky traders could not live by whisky
alone!
HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY POSTS
The third level of comparable archaeological data comes from the
main trading establishments of the Hudson's Bay Company, presumably the
trading institution having the greatest contact with Metis of the Upper
Saskatchewan District. Fort Edmonton was probably the largest supplier
to the Buffalo Lake Metis. Although extensive lists of goods at Fort
Edmonton exist, we have no contemporaneous archaeological data from this
post, nor indeed from Fort Edmonton's outposts operated by Francis
Whitford at Buffalo Lake and Tail Creek. For detailed artifact
comparisons, we are therefore forced to rely on archaeological data from
other posts that supplied (or may have supplied) the Metis hunters and
free traders (Metis, native, and white) at Buffalo Lake.
Victoria Post
The Hudson's Bay Company's Victoria Post, located about 70 miles
northeast of Edmonton (Figure 1) on the North Saskatchewan River, was
built in 1864 and operated until 1897 or 1898 (Losey et al. 1977a:2;
Forsman 1985:1). A number of buildings and features were excavated: the
dairy, trader's shop, and southwest palisade (Losey et al. 1977a), the
provisions store, men's house, blacksmith's forge complex, and palisade
line (Losey et al. 1977b), and finally the clerk's house and associated
kitchen extension, refuse areas, and two newly located refuse deposits
associated with the men's house residential area (Forsman 1985).
Architectural Comparisons
At this point in the research, the architecture of Victoria Post and
the Buffalo Lake Metis site do not appear very similar. However, one
structure at the former site, the kitchen extension C of the clerk's
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house, bears some resemblance to certain characteristics observed at
Buffalo Lake. The interior fireplace base, located in the centre of the
north wall, is composed of a single course of large river cobbles with
clay used as mortar, and with a clay fireplace (Forsman 1985:51). Like
similar fireplaces at Buffalo Lake, this feature ". . . showed
considerable signs of burning and some accumulation of ash and discarded
artifacts" (Forsman 1985:51). These artifacts included cartridge cases,
forged and cut iron nails, earthenware sherds, and clay pipe fragments
(Forsman 1985:53). Forsman's dates for this feature (late 1860's to
1883) overlap with the Metis occupation at Buffalo Lake.
Owing to poor wood preservation, Forsman could not determine the
details of corner construction on this kitchen extension, nor whether the
logs were left rounded or had been squared.
The construction of other buildings on the post, where evidence was
preserved, varied considerably from the structures excavated at Buffalo
Lake. Wooden floors laid over joists were common to residences. Cellars
varied, but some had horizontally laid log walls and a wooden floor,
while others were simple earthen depressions (Forsman 1985:76).
Where there was evidence of superstructure, buildings exhibited
post-on-sill construction, using squared timbers joined by
mortise-and-tenon uprights (Losey et a "I. 1977a; 1977b; Forsman 1985). A
noticeable effort had been made to level the walls or corners of
buildings through use of trenches or rocks. In short, considerable time
and effort was allotted to construction, and techniques generally
followed those in vogue at other Company posts, with post-on-sill
construction using squared logs preferred for the more permanent
buildings. Also noteworthy was the presence of a palisade, perhaps
indicating a persistent concern for defense at this time.
Artifactual Comparisons
While there is a disconformity in architectural styles and features
between Victoria Post and Buffalo Lake, there is a close similarity in
the artifact samples. Artifacts related to Hunting include a ramrod
thimble, percussion caps, gunflints, musket balls, lead shot, .44 Henry
flat rimfire cartridges, .44-40 centrefire cartridges, Eley Brothers
shotgun shells, and a metal projectile point. Those related to
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts include a strap hinge,
hand-forged and machine-cut nails, and hooks used to suspend pots in the
fi replace.
Several similar artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance activities were found. No fewer than 12 identified
Copeland patterns of monochrome underglaze transfer-printed ware were
represented (Table 18, Appendix III). Other ceramics included plain
white earthenware, sponge-stamped ware, and salt-glazed stoneware. Perry
Davis Vegetable Pain Killer bottles, as well as window and lamp chimney
glass, were common.
Metal artifacts included identical pattern flatware with incised
bone or antler handles (Losey et al. 1977b:51). Such a pattern was common
to Hudson's Bay Company posts from as far away as Fort Garry (Losey et
al. 1 97 7b : 1 07 ) . In addition, strike-a-1 ights , straight pins, needles, a
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slate pencil fragment, and a number of Canadian coins were recovered ,
although the use of coins in the Upper Saskatchewan area would have been
uncommon in the 1870s.
Artifacts related to Transportation included horseshoe nails, and
those related to Recreation and Smoking included both ceramic and clay
pipe fragments. Similar artifacts relating to Dress and Ornamentation
included numerous buttons, of which six glass types, four shell types,
three bone types, and seven metal types were found.
Glass beads were also recovered at Victoria Post, although greater
quantities would have been expected, given the number of years the site
was used. Losey et al. (1977a; 1977b) recorded only 111 beads during two
seasons of excavation, and Forsman (1985:120-121) also recovered only a
small numbers, but from all contexts. As at Buffalo Lake, seed beads
predominated .
Other comparable artifacts recovered include an earring with a
stone, a mother-of-pearl pendant (Losey et al. 197/b:97) that appears
rather like a scale from a straight razor, a metal hook and eye, clothing
fastener, and two types of combs. No comparable lithic artifacts were
reported .
Discussion
In summary, archaeological data from Victoria Post suggest, with few
exceptions, a general dissimilarity of building styles to those at
Buffalo Lake. Artifact types, on the other hand, are quite similar, not
surprisingly, since many of the Buffalo Lake Metis outfitted at
Victoria. Certain items, notably Copeland -manufactured earthenwares,
were not only stocked for the trade, but were used on the post by
occupants of the clerk's house. Artifacts related to clothing also
served both purposes. Finally, occupants of Victoria Post, many of whom
were Metis, did not appear to share the use of stone tools with occupants
of the Buffalo Lake site.
Rocky Mountain House
The Hudson's Bay Company post of Rocky Mountain House was located on
the North Saskatchewan River approximately 94 miles (151 kilometres) west
of the Buffalo Lake Metis site. Site 15R (Steer et al. 1979) was in
operation between 1835 and 1861. Although the site is architecturally
different from the Buffalo Lake site, and was abandoned before the
establishment of the latter as a wintering community, the similarity in
the artifact sample invites comparison. Site 15R yielded percussion
caps, gunflints, musket balls, and shot. The terminal date for this site
precluded the finding of fixed ammunition such as the ubiquitous .44
Henry flat rimfire and .44-40 centrefire cartridges.
Presence of other comparable artifacts at site 15R establishes their
availability before the entry of free traders from the Fort Benton area.
Examples include: iron projectile points, axe heads, files, strap hinges,
wrought and machine-cut iron nails, glass bottles, round and square
mirror glass, window glass, strike-a-1 ights, iron cups, pins, needles, a
three-tined fork with incised antler handle (Steer et al. 1979:443)
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identical to a Buffalo Lake example, a bone shaving brush handle, wire
pot hooks, strapping, barrel hoops, clay smoking pipes, beads, earrings,
and a brass spring-like object.
Artifacts related to clothing are very similar. At least thirteen
different types of buttons were common to both Rocky Mountain House and
Buffalo Lake, evidence for an earlier trend towards Euro-Canadian styles,
perhaps at the expense of the country style that used native-tanned
materials. Both sites yielded metal hook-and-eye fasteners, commonly
used in Victorian-period ladies' clothing.
Ceramics were particularly comparable, with plain white earthenware
and especially Copeland pattern transfer-printed ware (Table 18, Appendix
III). Conspicuously absent was the sponge-stamped ware found at the
Buffalo Lake Metis site, the Cypress Hills Metis sites, Lac La Biche, and
fur trade posts dating from the 1870's. This ware may stand as a
horizon-marker for post-1870 historic occupation, together with examples
of early Henry and Winchester fixed ammunition. It appears that the ware
was introduced to the market of the Upper Saskatchewan after 1861, and
sometime before or during the occupation of Buffalo Lake, between
approximately 1872 and 1878.
Fort Pitt, Battleford, Fort Carlton, Last Mountain
House, Upper and Lower Fort Garry
Hunters, freighters, and free traders wintering on Buffalo Lake
frequented posts outside present-day Alberta. A string of such posts lay
along the North Saskatchewan River, beginning at Fort Pitt near the
Alberta-Saskatchewan border, proceeding to Battleford and Fort Carlton,
and then overland to include Last Mountain House and Fort Garry. These
posts served as the main sources of supply for many essential goods,
although by the middle to late 1870's they were being challenged by
merchants from Winnipeg to Edmonton who were to form part of the new
wealthy class of western Canada.
Many of the Buffalo Lake free traders outfitted at Red River, where
supplies could be obtained more cheaply and credit arranged. They were
responsible for their own freighting, but the amount saved could be added
to their profit once they returned to Buffalo Lake the following season.
Other posts between Red River and Edmonton were used as well.
The most easily recognized and best preserved artifacts from these
posts are the ceramics. Transfer-printed earthenware manufactured by
Copeland can now be easily identified as to pattern in the field, thanks
to Lynn Sussman's (1972 and 1979) invaluable illustrated reference
works. At the Buffalo Lake Metis site, eighteen Copeland patterns were
identified in the assemblage. Using these as a base, comparisons were
made with Copeland wares from other historic sites. Data were obtained
from several sources, including personal examination of excavated and
surface-collected samples. Sussman's (1979:12-19) charts were also
relied on heavily in constructing Table 18, Appendix III. Although other
sites recorded many more patterns than Buffalo Lake, for example Fort
Garry with 48 patterns (Sussman 1979:12-19), it was hoped the use of the
Buffalo Lake sample as a base would suggest probable sources of supply.
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The Hudson's Bay Company post with the highest correlation of
patterns was Fort Carlton. Here 15 of the 18 patterns matched Buffalo
Lake, for an 83 per cent correlation. Fort Pitt followed with 78 per
cent, Lower Fort Garry with 72 per cent, Victoria Post with 67 per cent,
Upper Fort Garry with 44 per cent, Battleford, Last Mountain House (Olga
Klimko, personal communication), and Rocky Mountain House III with 33 per
cent each, Elliott's Cypress Hills sample and Rocky Mountain House II
with 28 per cent each, and the Bonnichsen et al. Cypress Hills sample
with 17 per cent (Table 18, Appendix III).
It is premature to draw firm conclusions from these comparisons.
More data are required from other wintering sites such as Tail Creek,
Grande Pointe, and the Green Wintering site; from the contemporary Metis
settlements of St. Albert and Lac Ste. Anne; and from the most logical
source of supply of Copeland ceramics, Fort Edmonton itself. It is
interesting to note, however, the relatively high correlation with Fort
Carlton and the relatively low correlation with Rocky Mountain House,
although the latter post was much nearer.
Copeland wares were probably supplied by the Hudson's Bay Company to
the Buffalo Lake winterers, either directly or indirectly through the
outfits of free traders. Of the 18 patterns identified and compared,
four emerge as the most popular: "Flower Vase," "B 772," "Continental
Views," and "Ivy."
SUMMARY DISCUSSION
The Buffalo Lake Metis site has been compared to other Metis
wintering sites, to free trader's posts, and to established Hudson's Bay
Company posts. The closest correspondence was between the Buffalo Lake
and Cypress Hills Metis sites. They are comparable ecologically, and
their architecture, with the exception of wooden flooring, is similar.
Artifact samples also corresponded very closely, but with evidence for a
higher reliance on tinned foods in the Cypress Hills.
There are similarities between Buffalo Lake and other wintering
sites, but archaeological data for these are presently insubstantial.
Settlement patterns appear at least superficially similar to those at La
Petite Ville and Cypress Hills. However, data are insufficient from any
of the wintering sites to draw conclusions regarding the specific
organization and placement of structures.
A review of archaeological data from two contemporaneous free
trader's posts revealed lesser degrees of similarity. Construction
techniques appear to have been similar in general, but different in
detail. An example was the construction and employment of stockades for
defensive purposes and to house livestock. The free trader's posts also
lacked interior fireplaces or any other evidence for heating, although
this may be a result of post-occupational disturbance.
Artifacts from the posts were similar to those from Buffalo Lake,
but with much less emphasis on types of ceramics, beads, and buttons that
would be indicative of household activities or a variety of clothing. A
higher incidence of tinned iron cans, coupled with a smaller sample of
faunal remains, suggested a much higher reliance on preserved food
supplies than was evident at Buffalo Lake.
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Documentation of supplies purchased by one of the free traders for
his business was revealing. When compared to the archaeological record,
it suggested that many of the goods were not consumed at the post. It
also indicated that a variety of goods similar to those found at Buffalo
Lake was available from an American source as an alternative to the
Hudson's Bay Company.
Posts built and operated by the Hudson's Bay Company were
architecturally the least similar to the structures at Buffalo Lake
excavated to date. However, the archaeological artifact inventory was
more similar to that of Buffalo Lake than was the archaeological
inventory of free-trader's posts in the Cypress Hills of Saskatchewan.
More goods that formed part of the trading inventory were consumed on the
Hudson's Bay Company posts themselves, notably household items, including
Copeland-pattern earthenware, and items related to clothing and
ornament. This perhaps suggests more female activities at the Hudson's
Bay Company posts and the wintering sites.
Where archaeological data were available, all three groups of sites
in the comparison (with the exception of one site) had three specific
types of artifacts in common: .44 Henry rimfire cartridge cases, .44-40
Winchester centrefire cartridge cases, and sponge-stamped earthenware.
These three types, therefore, might be adopted as horizon-markers to
distinguish late nineteenth century sites occupied after 1870. The
single exception in this comparison was the sample from site 15R, Rocky
Mountain House, which, however, was abandoned in 1861, before these three
types of artifacts were either manufactured or in common use in the Upper
Saskatchewan District.
CHAPTER XI
CONCLUSIONS
Archaeological research at the Buffalo Lake Metis site began in 1970
and continued until 1983. During that time, considerable changes took
place in the paradigms under which historical archaeology was
accomplished, and also in the historical perception of the western Metis.
Initially, the Buffalo Lake project was seen primarily in
chronological terms: as an attempt to fill "gaps" in the history of
western Canadian peoples subsequent to the fur trade period. The Metis
were selected partly owing to the fact that fur trade sites in the period
between 1821 and 1870 were not easy to isolate archaeological ly. The
several protracted occupations that followed the amalgamation of the
Hudson's Bay and North West Companies did not promise the same relatively
short, "tight" components that the more mobile "early" fur trade period
had provided.
A second problem that motivated the early phases of historic
archaeology in Alberta was the identification of sites, along with the
determination of their boundaries and the distribution of habitations.
In particular, this problem was related to ongoing concerns for potential
site marking and reconstructive development, public education, and
tourism.
These problems, although comparatively simple, are significant, and
in fact their essential resolution represents a notable success of the
Buffalo Lake project. The boundaries, size, and length of occupation of
the Buffalo Lake Metis site are now relatively well known, setting in
perspective one group of myths (for example, the often presumed superior
size and importance of an early Tail Creek Metis site).
To these considerations, however, others have been added. Notably,
as archaeological work progressed in the area north of Stettler, the
Metis occupation was seen increasingly in terms of the general ecology of
the Buffalo Lake region and an emerging chronology that now goes back
some 8,000 years. Undoubtedly, some of the considerations that led to
the Metis settlement in the late ISOO's were operative over this much
larger time-span as well, and clearly the expanded spatial and temporal
picture would illuminate the smaller and vice-versa.
Admittedly, even the chronological interpretations at Buffalo Lake
are derived more from the historic data than the archaeological, although
the former are generally supported by the latter. There is as yet
insufficient archaeological information related to social structure,
status, community organization, and the like, and for this, too, we must
presently draw on the historic record, particularly the voluminous
archives of the Oblate fathers.
In the interpretation of these historical data, however, there are
some differences of opinion. Among the present authors, for example, Day
emphasizes an earlier settlement in the Buffalo Lake area than Doll would
infer. In part, this is perhaps a difference of specificity. Clearly,
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activity took place in the neighbourhood of northeastern Buffalo Lake
long before 1872. However, as Day further suggests, it is frequently
very difficult to focus on precise land locations at this time, since the
records often refer only to broad geographical areas such as the Battle
River system.
The newer archaeological methodologies or paradigms mentioned have
only touched on these problems in the present case, but perhaps have
considerable potential in addressing them through the archaeological as
distinct from the historical data. Stanley South's system of "pattern
recognition" has already been applied to the early fur trade period in
Alberta, with at least some success. The outcome of studies by Forsman
and Gallo (1979) is an "Early Fur Trade Pattern" that can be used in
direct comparisons from site to site or can be combined with a sort of
"chi square" analysis to derive chronological inferences. This method is
suggested for future consideration, but has not been applied here for
several reasons. The Metis occupation at Buffalo Lake is relatively
remote in time from any of the components compared by South (1977a) or
Forsman and Gallo (1979). It may be difficult to obtain quantified
artifact data on enough other Metis or contemporaneous sites in western
Canada to bear this analysis. Finally, we are somewhat doubtful of the
ultimate logic of some categories set up by South, for example his
residual "Activities" category that would seem to overlap with several we
would identify.
Secondly, we have made some forays into the taxonomy of primary,
secondary, de facto, and other sorts of refuse disposal (Schiffer 1977),
and to the whole matter of defining activity areas. Certainly, Kooyman
has made intriguing suggestions with regards to Metis ethnicity and
relationship to the hunt based on the faunal contents of specific Buffalo
Lake cabins. On the whole, however, for optimum advantage, the
methodology would perhaps require a greater exposure or larger sampling
of the site, notably of areas between or separated from known
structures. Certainly the richness of the resource is hinted at in the
present study, and this activity area approach would presumably be
encouraged by the relatively good chronological control and the spatial
constraints (the virtually insular location) of the Buffalo Lake site.
A definition of the Buffalo Lake Metis community has been addressed
by Day, who emphasizes the difference between this site and other
wintering settlements of the period. He suggests that Buffalo Lake
approached typicality only as time went on, but that initially it was a
commercial centre rather than a wintering site in the usual sense of the
word. Doll, on the other hand, argues that both the architectural data
that can be obtained (largely lacking on superstructure, except for
historical records from other sites), and the archaeological inventory of
portable artifacts are essentially consistent within as well as between
sites, and can be considered typical of the hi verement (wintering)
occupations of the 1870' s. Because of the complexity of the community at
Buffalo Lake, as indicated by the historical record and suggested by part
of the archaeological record, we are inevitably forced to expand our
definition of hi vernement and its implications for the various people who
formed the community. Surely this task has just begun.
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Again, such differences in historical interpretion may reflect
primarily a society itself somewhat ambivalent, in terms of the various
strong impinging forces discussed in Chapters II, III, and below.
Although sites like Buffalo Lake or the Cypress Hills are perhaps best
viewed as primarily commercial operations, yet they still retain a good
deal of the "cultural baggage" that would be more typical of settlelments
such as St. Albert or Lac Ste. Anne. Furthermore, in spite of their
relative isolation and the differences in political and other
self-identification from Red River, as emphasized by Day, they
nevertheless manifest some orientation to a larger sphere that may be
generalized as a Metis "nation" or "experience."
This orientation to the broader sphere, though clearly not identical
to the Red River experience under Louis Riel, is reflected in Day's
emphasis on the sophi stication of Upper Saskatchewan society, the
evidence for substantial scale, coherence, organization,
role-differentiation, and concern for social welfare within the mobile
community that constituted the Metis hunt. This sophistication is also
reflected in the Metis technology. Doll suggests, on the basis of
archaeological recovery of a variety of ammunition and ignition
components, that hi vernant society had the most highly developed firearms
technology in the Canadian northwest at this time. This further evidence
of sophistication was of course supported by the highly developed, mobile
commercial supply system, the many traders who converged on the Buffalo
Lake site from various directions. As well as independents, these
traders represented major companies. In addition, there is some
archaeological evidence to suggest that a cash economy existed here at
least a decade before it became established in settlements such as
Edmonton, where it appeared in 1885 accompanying a contingent of troops
from Quebec (Daoust 1982:101).
Again, in the matter of architecture, interpretations of the
historical data and of its relationship to the archaeological record
differ somewhat. Notably, Day's research suggests larger structural
units and the presence of flooring, not reflected up to this time in the
archaeological excavations. Again much of this historical interpetation
is drawn from localities separated from Buffalo Lake, and on the other
hand, the archaeological sample may not yet reflect the once-existing
diversity of styles. Certainly variations, for example from south to
north, are historically documented, and Buffalo Lake seems to some extent
to have constituted a meeting ground for people of diverse origins.
There is agreement by Doll, however, that more sophisticated architecture
should exist at Buffalo Lake, given the rather complex nature of the
community that occupied the site and the styles documented by Day in the
general area. Architectural complexity is surely exhibited in the
archaeological remains of Cabin 5. Field work was discontinued, however,
before sufficient excavation would allow any accurate interpretation of
these remains. Surely this must be one question to be resolved by future
work at Buffalo Lake.
Archaeological evidence is again silent in the matter of household
size and composition, but historical data suggest the adoption of an
essentially nuclear family residence after the smallpox epidemic of
1870. This is contradictory to some previous assumptions.
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Considerable attention has focused on the abandonment of the Buffalo
Lake site. Doll suggests it took place in 1878, although Day argues for
a slightly later date, and again there is some difference of opinion as
to cause. It seems likely, at any rate, that the cause was not singular
and that in fact a number of elements may have been variously involved.
Certainly the rapid decline of the bison and even earlier demise of the
buffalo robe trade were prime factors, particularly in consideration of
Buffalo Lake's early and significant commercial focus. It is suggested,
however, that the hunt was actually prolonged by climatic factors that
delayed the shift into a primary agricultural economy, or abandonment
might have taken place even earlier. Other likely factors were flooding,
the growing importance of nearby communities, and perhaps (despite Day's
doubts) a growing shortage of firewood, small game, and forage.
As has been recently observed by various scholars, a great deal of
"mythology" attaches to the study of the southern and western Metis. In
this context, the Red River "paradigm" has been dominant. As suggested
above, there are unquestionably shared ethnic attributes, but there are
also important differences relating to origins, technology, associations,
political structures, and self-identification.
The Buffalo Lake site provides an excellent case-study of culture
change, the study of a social structure impinged upon by a variety of
crises identified in the historical record. These include the attack of
a disease of unprecedented severity, the disappearance of the major
subsistence resource (as well as a major "trade" item), severe climatic
fluctuations, and broad governmental and societal changes.
In the older "mythologies," the southern and western Metis were too
frequently perceived either as a leftover from the fur trade or as a
satellite of Red River. Through continuing problem-oriented historical
and archaeological studies, a better understanding of these varying
"mythologies" will emerge. The combined study of the Buffalo Lake
archaeological site and of the relevant documents will focus on the
western Metis as a discrete community with a particular ecological and
economic base, and a material record of sophisticated adaptations.
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- 240 -
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1973 Tradition and Fact: Archaeological Examination of the Cypress
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1976 Buffalo Days and Nights: As Told To H. Thompson, edited by Irene
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1972 Portneuf Pottery and Other Early Wares. Longman Canada, Don
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Grandin, Right Reverend Vital-J.
1837-1902 Transcripts, prepared and edited by the Reverend Emile Tardif
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Vol. 11, Letters to Bishops of the Oblate Order.
Vol. 14, Part 3, Letters to other Oblate Order Superiors, Very Rev.
Joseph Pierre Blaise Aubert.
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Tambourini .
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St. Albert, 1868-1872, and of the Diocese of St. Albert, 1872-1888.
Vol. 15, Part 5, Letters to the Reverend Father Albert Lacombe.
Vol. 17, Part 2, Circular Letter to Oblates of the St. Albert
Diocese, 1868-1894.
Vol. 19, Letters to Oblates in St. Albert, A-G
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Vol. 23, Letters to his Family: Jean Grandin (father and family);
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including letter from College of Cardinals, December 9, 1874,
regarding marriage habits.
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Grant, George M.
1873 Ocean to Ocean. James Campbell and Son, Toronto.
Grovenor, C. P. and W. 0. Kupsch
1959 Ice Disintegration Features in Western Canada. Journal of
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Greener, W. W.
1910 The Gun and its Development. Cassell and Company Ltd., London,
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- 243 -
Hamilton, Robert
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1979 The Interpretation of Ceramic Artifacts from Fort Walsh, a Late
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Hardisty, Richard, Papers, Glenbow-Alberta Institute Archives, M477.
Organized by Box and File, but numbered consecutively in Item order.
Item 82, see Christie 1871
Item 140, Adams G. Archibald to W. J. Christie, Fort Garry, January 11,
1872.
Item 143, "A. Blaireau," Minutes of a Meeting of Metis Winterers at St.
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to J. P. Day.)
Items 145-150, Census Enumeration, 1872.
Item 230, William McKay, Fort Pitt, November 17, 1872.
Item 285, Lawrence Clarke, Carlton, to Hardisty, June 27, 1873.
Item 291, Donald A. Smith to Hardisty, Carlton, October 8, 1873.
Item 314, Donald A. Smith to Hardisty, Philadelphia, March 21, 1873.
Item 315, W. J. Christie to Hardisty, Fort Garry, March 21, 1873.
Item 352, William McKay to Hardisty, Fort Pitt, July 1, 1873.
Item 362, John Sinclair to Hardisty, Buffalo Lake, February 18, 1873.
Item 363, John Sinclair to Hardisty, Buffalo Lake, March 20, 1873.
Item 369, Sinclair to Hardisty, Buffalo Lake, October 25, 1873.
Item 419, John Bunn to Richard Hardisty, Ghost River, October 26, 1874.
Item 420, List of goods supplied to the Rev. George McDougall at
Buffalo Lake by the Hudson's Bay Company.
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1874.
- 244 -
Hardisty, Richard, Papers, Glenbow-Alberta Institute Archives, M477.
Organized by Box and File, but numbered consecutively in Item order.
Item 422, Francis Whitford to R. Hardisty, Bulls Lake [Buffalo Lake]
December 1 , 1874.
Item 423, F. Whitford to R. Hardisty, Bulls Lake [Buffalo Lake],
December 16, 1874.
Item 428, Lawrence Clarke to Hardisty, Carlton, March 20, 1874.
Item 443, W. L. Wood to Hardisty, Fort Pitt, July 11, 1874.
Item 459, James A. Grahame to Hardisty, Fort Garry, December 24, 1874.
Item 473, Angus Fraser to Hardisty, Rocky Mountain House, March 16,
1874.
Item 507, John Bunn to Hardisty, Victoria, April 6, 1874.
Item 550, John McDougall to Alexander Morris (draft), Morleyville
Missions, Bow River, [late August or September, 1874].
Items 556-564, Census Enumeration, 1874.
Item 574, Reverend H. Leduc to R. Hardisty, July 25, 1874.
Item 576, Donald A. Smith to Hardisty, Fort Garry, January 2, 1874.
Item 580, W. L. Wood to Hardisty, Spitsea Post, July 22, 1875.
Item 595, W. L. Wood to Hardisty, Bow River [Ghost River P.J.],
September 12, 1875.
Item 604, W. L. Wood to R. Hardisty, Bow River, December 14, 1875
Item 605, W. L. Wood to R. Hardisty, Spitsea Post, December 15, 1875.
Item 608, F. Whitford to R. Hardisty, Bulls Lake [Buffalo Lake],
February 26, 1875
Item 609, F. Whitford to R. Hardisty [Tail Creek], March 18, 1875.
Item 610, Francis Whitford to R. Hardisty, Bulls Lake [Buffalo Lake],
September 12, 1875.
Item 611, F. Whitford to R. Hardisty [Buffalo Lake], October 29, 1875.
Item 612, F. Whitford to R. Hardisty, Tail Creek, November 1, 1875.
Item 613, F. Whitford to R. Hardisty [Tail Creek], November 6, 1875.
- 245 -
Hardisty, Richard, Papers, Glenbow-Alberta Institute Archives, M477.
Organized by Box and File, but numbered consecutively in Item order.
Item 614, F . Whitford to R. Hardisty, Tail Creek, December 21, 1875.
Item 629, Clarke to Hardisty, Carlton, May 1, 1875.
Item 709, Statement of Goods, Jaspers House, Outfit 1874.
Item 737, William McKay to Hardisty, Fort Pitt, January 2, 1876.
Item 772, Sinclair to Hardisty, "Big Gully," January 7, 1876.
Item 773, Sinclair to Hardisty, Bulls Lake [Buffalo Lake], January 22,
1876.
Item 845, [Lesser] Slave Lake Returns, 1876 Outfit.
Item 887, J. Bunn to R. Hardisty, Elbow Post, July 23, 1877.
Item 928, Edmonton District List of Supplies, Outfit of 1876.
Item 936, Clarke to Hardisty, June 18, 1877.
Item 938, Clarke to Hardisty, August 29, 1877.
Item 1098, Lawrence Clarke to Richard Hardisty, Carlton, July 27, 1878.
Item 1013, Peter Pambrun to Hardisty, Fort Pitt, February 26, 1878.
Item 1015, Peter Pambrun to Hardisty, Fort Pitt, March 26, 1878.
Item 1077, Roderick MacFarlane, Chief Factor, Athabasca District, to
Richard Hardisty, Fort Chipewyan, February 28, 1878.
Item 1209, Hardisty to David Laird, Edmonton, March 7, 1878
Horrall, S. W.
1975 A Chronicle of the Canadian West, North-West Mounted Police for
1875. Historical Society of Alberta, Calgary.
Hudson's Bay Company
1870-1893 Accounts. Hudson's Bay Company Archives, D.30/a/176.
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1821-1885 Hudson's Bay Company Post Journals. Provincial Archives of
Manitoba, Winnipeg.
Indian Department
1878-1889 Black Volume Papers, Record Group 10, National Archives of
Canada, Ottawa. (Some references cited from Kenneth Tyler, Thesis
Notes.)
- 246 -
Indian Department
1879-1898 Annual Reports of the Superintendant of Indian Affairs.
Queen's Printer, Ottawa. [Published separately, but more readily
available in the Sessional Papers of the House of Commons. Queen's
Printer, Ottawa, 1867 and following.]
Interior Department
Nd Papers. Record Group 15, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.
Jamieson, Col. Frederick C.
1953 The Edmonton Hunt. The Alberta Historical Review 1(1): 21 -33.
Johnson, Alice M. (editor)
1967 Saskatchewan Journals and Correspondence: Edmonton House
1795-1800, Chesterfield House 1800-1802. Hudson's Bay Record
Society, London.
Jones, Olive
1970 Glassware Excavated at Yuquot, B. C. Manuscript Report No. 12,
National Historic Sites Service, National Historic Parks and Sites
Branch, Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development,
Ottawa .
Jones, Olive and Catherine Sullivan
1985 The Parks Canada Glass Glossary for the Description of Containers,
Tableware, Flat Glass, and Closures. Studies in Archaeology,
Architecture and History, National Historic Parks and Sites Branch,
Parks Canada, Environment Canada, Ottawa.
Kane, Paul
1968 Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America from
Canada to Vancouver's Island and Oregon through the Hudson's Bay
Company's Territory and back again. Hurtig (reprint), Edmonton.
Ketchum, William C. Jr.
1983 Pottery and Porcelain. The Knopf Collectors' Guides to American
Antiques. Alfred A. Knopf, New York.
Kendrew, W. G. and B. W. Currie
1955 The Climate of Central Canada: Manitoba. Saskatchewan, Alberta
and the Districts of Mackenzie and Keewatin. Queen's Printer,
Ottawa .
Kidd, Robert S.
1970 Fort George and the Early Fur Trade in Alberta. Publication No.
2, Provincial Museum and Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
1987 Archaeological Excavations at the Probable Site of the First Fort
Edmonton or Fort Augustus, 1795 to Early 1800s. Human History
Occasional Paper No. 3, Provincial Museum of Alberta, Edmonton.
- 247 -
Klimko, Olga
1983 The Archaeology and History of Fort Pellv 1. 1824-1856. Pastlog,
No. 5, Saskatchewan Cultura and Recreation, Regina.
Krause, Chester L. and Clifford Mishler
1985 Standard Catalog of World Coins, edited by Colin R. Bruce II.
Krause Publications, Iola, Wisconsin.
Laboucane, Jerboam
1883 Declaration Regarding River Lot Claims, September, 1883.
Interior Department Papers, Record Group 15, Vol. 318, File 73489,
National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.
Lacombe, Rev. Albert, OMI
1865 Letter from Lacombe to Tache, St. Paul des Cris, May 20, 1865.
Papiers Personnel, Box 21, Item 16, Oblates of Mary Immaculate
Archives, Provincial Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
1866 Letter from Lacombe to Tache, St. Albert, April 11, 1866.
Papiers Personnel, Box 21, Item 16, Oblates of Mary Immaculate
Archives, Provincial Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
1869 Relations d'un voyage fait aux Etats-Unis, 1869. Papiers
Personnel, Box 24, Item 84, Oblates of Mary Immaculate Archives,
Provincial Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
1883 Diary entry for September 3, 1883. Papiers Personnel, Box 22,
Item 48 (Lacombe). Oblates of Mary Immaculate Archives, Provincial
Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
1890 Papiers Personnel, Box 23, Item 58, Lacombe, Memoirs. Oblates
of Mary Immaculate Archives, Provincial Archives of Alberta,
Edmonton. (Memoirs in the form of letters written to Mr. and Mrs.
Forest of L ' Assomption, Quebec, for publication in Les Annales de la
Societe pour la Propagation du Foi. Montreal. English typescript.
Although attempts were made to number and date these letters, the
effort eventually gave way. The English is very much Lacombe's own,
and he apparently wrote the letters in both languages simultaneously.)
[1896 See Dumont, Sam Baptiste]
Lac Ste Anne
1842-1859 Liber Animarum. Parish Series, Box 1, Item 3. Oblates of
Mary Immaculate Archives, Provincial Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
(Compilers include the Reverend Rene Remas and Valentin Vegreville.
A few 1860 entries exist, but are very incomplete.)
Lafleche, Andre
1979 Hudson's Bay Company Suppliers, Volume III. A List of British
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Legal, Right Reverend Emile-J.
1875-1885 Codex Historicus de Fort Macleod. Parish Series, Fort
Macleod, Box 1, Item 1. Oblates of Mary Immaculate Archives,
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Lestanc, Rev. Jean-Joseph-Marie, OMI.
1874-1879 Notes Privees, Actes de Baptemes, Marriages, etc.
Papiers Personnel, Box 34, Item 2, Oblates of Mary Immaculate
Archives, Provincial Archives of Alberta, Edmonton. (Handwritten
notes in a small booklet.)
1876 Letter to Tache, April 10. Tache Papers, 1865-1878, T17294,
Archives of the Archdiocese of St. Boniface, Provincial Archives of
Manitoba, Winnipeg.
1910 Souvenirs de 1860 a 1880, rediges en 1910 (Edmonton, December
9, 1910). Papiers Personnel, Box 34, Item 2, Oblates of Mary
Immaculate Archives, Provincial Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
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Logan, Herschel C.
1959 Cartridges - A Pictorial Digest of Small Arms Ammunition.
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Longley, Richard W.
1972 The Climate of the Prairie Provinces. CI imatological Series No.
13, Atmospheric Enironment Service, Environment Canada.
Losey, Timothy C.
1978 Archaeological Investigations: Fort George, 1977. Project
77-23. In Archaeology in Alberta 1977. edited by W. J. Byrne, pp.
55-66. Occasional Paper No 5, Archaeological Survey of Alberta,
Edmonton.
Losey, Timothy C, J. Roderick Vickers, Janice Douglas, Gail Gerhart,
Gabriella Prager, Heinz Pyszczyk, and David Lubell
1977a Archaeological Investigations: Fort Victoria, 1974. Occasional
Paper No. 2, Alberta Historic Sites Service, Edmonton.
Losey, Timothy C, Janice Douglas, Gail Gerhart, Jane Wilson, Heinz
Pyszczyk, and Virginia McGowan
1977b Archaeological Investigations: Fort Victoria, 1975. Occasional
Paper No. 3, Alberta Historic Sites Service, Edmonton.
Losey, Timothy C, Heinz W. Pyszczyk, Peter T. Bobrowsky, Lan W. Chan,
Karie Hardie, and Peter Seto.
1978 Archaeological Investigations Fort George, 1977. Ms. on file,
Archaeological Survey of Alberta, Edmonton.
- 249 -
Lyster, Jeanne, Marie McKay, Beth Lawson, Etta Kline, Viola Stanvik,
Dagny Norman, Beth Schmidt (editors)
1980 Donalda's Roots and Branches. U-Go Weavers History Book
Committee, Donalda, Alberta.
Macleod, James
1876 Official Correspondence of the Comptroller, Incoming, Vol. 6,
File 283. North-West Mounted Police Papers, Record Group 18, A.l,
National Archives of Canada, Ottawa
Magrath, Charles. A.
1883 Field Book 3651, Accession 83.376, Item 661, Provincial
Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
1930 Letter to F. H. Peters, Washington, D.C., January 24, 1930. Box
D, Item 38, Correspondence of Dominion Land Surveyors, Acc. 85.34,
Provincial Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
McDougall, Rev. George
1872a Letter, December 27, 1871, Edmonton. In Wesleyan Missionary
Notices, 2(16):242-244.
1872b Letter, May 20, 1872, Edmonton. In Wesleyan Missionary Notices,
2(16):246-247.
1873a Letter, April 25, 1873, Edmonton. In Wesleyan Missionary
Notices, 2(20):310-311 .
1873b Letter, May 28, 1873, Edmonton. In Wesleyan Missionary Notices,
2(20) :31 1 -313.
McDougall, Rev. John
1870 Letter, January 5, 1870, Victoria. In Wesleyan Missionary
Notices, 2(7):104-106.
1875a Saskatchewan District Report. In Annual Reports of the
Missionary Society of the Methodist Church in Canada, "51"
[50]:xix-xx, The Society's Offices, Toronto.
1875b Letter from Morleyville [March, 1875?]. In Annual Reports of the
Missionary Society of the Methodist Church in Canada, "51"
[50] :xxi i-xxv, The Society's Offices, Toronto.
1876a Letter from Morleyville [July, 1876]. In Annual Reports of the
Missionary Society of the Methodist Church in Canada, "52"
[51]:xv-xvi, The Society's Offices, Toronto. (Reference to three
marriages at Buffalo Lake.)
- 250 -
McDougal 1 , Rev. John
1876b Letter from Morleyvi "I le [May 14, 1876]. In Annual Reports of the
Missionary Society of the Methodist Church in Canada, "52"
[51]:xvi-xx, The Society's Offices, Toronto.
1877 Letter from Morleyville [May, 1876]. In Annual Reports of the
Missionary Society of the Methodist Church in Canada, "53"
[52] :xi i i -xi v, The Society's Offices, Toronto.
1973 Opening the Great West: Experiences of a Missionary in 1875-76,
edited by John E. Nix. Glenbow Alberta Institute, Calgary.
MacFarlane, Roderick
Nd. Papers. Manuscript Group 29, A. 11. National Archives of Canada
Ottawa .
McMicking, Thomas
1966 The Overlanders in Alberta, 1862. Alberta Historical Review 14
(6): 1-7.
Miles, Charles F.
1884 Field Book No. 4369, Acc. 83.376, Item 947, Provincial Archives
of Alberta, Edmonton.
Milton, Viscount, and Cheadle, W. B.
1865 The North-West Passage by Land: Being the Narrative of an
expedition from the Atlantic to the Pacific, Undertaken with the
view of exploring a route across the continent through British
Territory, by one of the Northern Passes in the Rocky Mountains.
Coles, Toronto (reprint).
Moat, Gordon R.
1978 Metal Artifacts and the 1879 Barracks at Fort Walsh, Saskatchewan.
Manuscript Report No. 374, Parks Canada, Ottawa.
Morris, Alexander
1880 The Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the
North-West Territories. Belfords, Clark, and Co., Toronto.
Morton, William Lewis
1969 A Century of Plain and Parkland. Alberta Historical Review
17(1):1~10.
Nelson, Lee H.
1968 Nail Chronology as an Aid to Dating Old Buildings. Technical
Leaflet No. 48, American Association for State and Local History.
Nicks, Gertrude C.
1969 The Archaeology of Two Hudson's Bay Company Posts: Buckingham
House (1792-1800) and Edmonton House III (1810-1813). Unpublished
Master's Thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Alberta,
Edmonton
-251 -
Nicks, Gertrude C.
1970 Toward a Trait List for the North Saskatchewan River in the Late
Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries. Western Canadian Journal
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Northern Department Council
1868-1880 Minutes of Annual Outfit Meetings, Hudson's Bay Company
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1873-1875 Minutes of the North-West Territories Legislative Council.
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Oblates of Mary Immaculate (OMI)
1869 Missions de la Congregation des Oblats de Marie Immaculee,
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1872
Missions de la Conqreqation,
Volume
X
1873
Missions de la Conqreqation,
Volume
XI
1874
Missions de la Conqreqation,
Volume
XII
1875
Missions de la Conqreqation,
Volume
XIII
1876
Missions de la Conqreqation,
Volume
XIV
1877
Missions de la Conqreqation,
Volume
XV
1878
Missions de la Conqreqation,
Volume
XVI
1880
Missions de la Conqreqation,
Volume
XVIII
Oleson,
Charles W., M. D.
1891 Secret Nostrums and Systems of Medicine: A Book of Formulas.
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Olsen, Stanley J. and J. Duncan Campbell
1962 Uniform Buttons as Aids in the Interpretation of Military Sites.
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1955 Dispensatory of the United States of America, 25th ed. Lippincott
and Company, Philadelphia.
Owram, Doug
1980 Promise of Eden: the Canadian Expansionist Movement and the Idea
of the West, 1856-1900. University of Toronto Press, Toronto.
- 252 -
Palliser, John
1859- 60 Explorations - British North America: Papers Relative to the
Exploration by Captain Palliser of that Portion of British North
America which lies between the Northern Branch of the River
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Peacock, Primrose
1978 Discovering Old Buttons. Shire Publications, Aylesbury.
Phi 1 1 i pot , Rev. Aristide, OMI
1947-1948 Mission du Lac Ste. Anne, Premiere Mission du Nord-Ouest.
Parishes, Lac Ste. Anne, Box 1, Item 7. Oblates of Mary Immaculate
Archives, Provincial Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
Phillips, Roger F. and Donald J. Klancher
1982 Arms & Accoutrements of the Mounted Police 1873-1973. Museum
Restoration Service, Bloomfied, Ontario.
Pollard, Major H. B. C.
1926 A History of Firearms. Geoffrey Bles, London.
Putt, Neal
1977 A Preliminary Analysis of Historic Settlement Patterns at Batoche
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Parks Canada, Ottawa.
Ray, Arthur J.
1981 Factors in the Fur Trade Promoting a Welfare System. Unpublished
Lecture, University of Alberta, November, 1981.
Remas, Rev. Rene
1860- 1868 Dossiers du Personnel, Item 1055. Oblates of Mary
Immaculate Archives, Provincial Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
Roe, Frank Gilbert
1951 The North American Buffalo. A Critical Study of the Species in
its Wild State. University of Toronto Press, Toronto.
Rundle, Rev. Robert T.
1977 The Rundle Journals. 1840-48, edited by H. A. Dempsey and G. M.
Hutchinson. Alberta Records Publication Board, Historical Society
of Alberta, Calgary.
Saskatchewan District
1823-1854 Annual Reports, London, Incoming Correspondence. Hudson's
Bay Company Archives, A. 12/1, Provincial Archives of Manitoba,
Winnipeg.
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Provincial Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg. (Also located in various
D.20 Series volumes.)
- 253 -
Schiff, Stefan 0.
1979 Buttons: Art In Miniature. Lancaster-Miller, Berkeley,
Cal ifornia .
Schiffer, Michael B.
1977 Towards a Unified Science of the Cultural Past. In Research
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Sciscenti, James V., Anita Campbell, Boughdan Hromadiuk, Shelagh MacLeod,
Jeffery S. Murry, and M. Alison Wylie
1976 Archaeological Investigations at a Late Nineteenth Century
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Scollen, Constantine, OMI
1862-1864 Transcription des lettres . . .provenant des archives de
l'Archeveche de Saint-Boniface. Papiers Personnel, Box 51, Item 1,
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Edmonton.
1872a Letter to Joseph Fabre, January 4, 1872. Papiers Personnel,
Box 51, Item 1, Oblates of Mary Immaculate Archives, Provincial
Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
1872b Letter to Mere Marie-Colombe Cox. Papiers Personnel, Box 51,
Item 2, Oblates of Mary Immaculate Archives, Provincial Archives of
Alberta, Edmonton.
Scrip Applications (North-West Half Breed Scrip Applications)
1885-86 Interior Department Papers. Record Group 15, Vols. 1327-1332,
National Archives of Canada, Ottawa. (These are listed
alphabetically and referred to in text as "Scrip Applications." An
additional series for the 1886-1901 period, Vols. 1333-1370, was not
examined, but notes from the Record Group's finding aid are on file.)
Shalka, R. J.
1973 Reports on Fort Edmonton Reconstruction, 1973. Ms. on file, City
of Edmonton Archives, Edmonton.
Sharpe, Philip B.
1938 The Rifle in America. William Morrow and Company, New York.
Simpson, George
1821-1854 Correspondence from John Rowand. In Incoming
Correspondence, Hudson's Bay Company Archives, D.5 Series,
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1823-1859 Correspondence with the Governor and Committee. In London
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- 254 -
Simpson, George
1845-1859 Correspondence with the Governor and Committee. In London
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Sissons, Constance Kerr
1946 John Kerr. Oxford University Press, Toronto.
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1948-1949 Eighty Years on the Plains. Canadian Cattleman, Continuing
Narrative in nine parts, 11(1) to 12(5).
South, Stanley
1977a Method and Theory in Historical Archeology. Academic Press
New York.
1977b Research Strategies in Historical Archeology: The Scientific
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by Stanley South, pp. 1-12. Academic Press, New York.
Southesk, Earl of
1875 Saskatchewan and the Rocky Mountains. A diary and narrative of
travel, sport, and adventure during a journey through the Hudson's
Bay Company territories in 1859 and I860. James Campbell and Son,
Toronto.
Spry, Irene M. (editor)
1968 The Papers of the Palliser Expedition 1857-1860. The Champlain
Society, Toronto.
Stalker, A. Mac S.
1960 Surficial Geology of the Red Deer - Stettler Map-Area, Alberta.
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and Technical Surveys, Queen's Printer, Ottawa.
Stanley, George F. G.
1936 The Birth of Western Canada: A History of the Riel Rebellions.
Longmans, Green, Toronto.
Steele, Samuel B.
1915 Forty Years in Canada. McClelland, Goodchild and Steward Ltd.,
Toronto (1972 reprint by McGraw-Hill Ryerson).
Steer, Donald N.
1977 The History and Archaeology of a North West Company Trading
Post and a Hudson's Bay Company Transport Depot, Lac la Roche,
Saskatchewan. Manuscript Report No. 280, National Historic Parks
and Sites Branch, Parks Canada, Ottawa.
- 255 -
Steer, Donald N. , Harvey J. Rogers, and Gregory J. Lutick
1979 Archaeological Investigations at the Hudson's Bay Company Rocky
Mountain House, 1835-61, 2 vols. Manuscript Report No. 445, Parks
Canada, Ottawa.
Sussman, Lynne
1972 The Ceramics of Lower Fort Gary. Manuscript Report No. 87,
Vols. 1 and 2, National Historic Parks and Sites Branch, Parks
Canada, Ottawa.
1979a Spode/Copeland and Transfer-Printed Patterns Found at 20
Hudson's Bay Company Sites. Canadian Historic Sites Occasional
Papers in Archaeology and History No. 22, Parks Canada, Ottawa.
1979b Hudson's Bay Company Suppliers, Volume II. A Directory of the
British Commercial Suppiers who Provided Goods and Services to York
Factory and Red River, 1821-53. Manuscript Report No. 381, Vol. 2,
Parks Canada, Ottawa.
Sutherland, Rev. A.
1880 Special Report of a Tour of Inspection among the Missions in the
North-West Territories Manitoba. Missionary Society of the
Methodist Church of Canada, Vol. "56" [55], The Society, Toronto.
Tache, Right Reverend Alexandre-Antonin .
1866 Vingt Annees des Missions dans le Nord-Ouest d'Amerique.
Senecal, Montreal.
1869 Equisse sur le Nord-Ouest. In Missions de la Congregation des
Missionnaires Oblats de Marie Immaculee (OMI Missions), Volume 9.
Taylor, Rev. Dr. Lachlin
1874 Journey of the Reverend Lachlin Taylor, D.D., on a Tour of
Inspection to the Wesleyan Missionary Stations in the Red River and
Saskatchewan Districts, May 5 - July ? 1873. In Annual Reports of
the Missionary Society of the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Canada,
"50"[49]:xcviii-ciii , The Society's Offices, Toronto.
Thibault, Rev. Jean-Baptiste
1841-1850 Archives of the Archdiocese of St. Boniface, Provencher
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1956 The Struggle for Responsible Government in the North-West
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Thomas, Lewis H. et al. editors
1967 Atlas of Alberta. University of Alberta Press, Edmonton.
- 256 -
Trade Commissioner, Hudson's Bay Company
1874-1893 Incoming Correspondence, Hudson's Bay Company Archives, D.20
Series, Provincial Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg. (These are
arranged by volume and folio numbers, but those cited were examined
in 1981 and they may have been altered since. See also, Smith,
Donald A. and Grahame, James A.)
Vegreville, Rev. Valentin
1883-1893 State of the Population. Parish Series, St. Albert, Box 1,
Item 2. Oblates of Mary Immaculate Archives, Provincial Archives of
Alberta, Edmonton.
1894 A Census of Catholics in Townships 53 to 56, Ranges 24 to 26 W 4,
1894. Parish Series, St. Albert, Box 1, Item 3, Oblates of Mary
Immaculate Archives, Provincial Archives of Alberta, Edmonton.
Wade, Mark Sweeton
1931 The Overlanders of '62. Archives of British Columbia, Victoria.
Weekes, Mary
1939 The Last Buffalo Hunter. Thomas Nelson and Sons, New York.
West, Bill
1969 Winchester for Over a Century. Volume 4: Winchester Cartridges
and History. Published by the Author, Azusa, California.
Woodward, Arthur
1982 Some Notes on Gunflints. In Indian Trade Guns, edited by T. M.
Hamilton, pp. 135-146. Pioneer Press, Union City, Tennesee.
Woolsey, Rev. Thomas and Rev. George McDougall
1855-1872 Baptisms Solemnized at the Wesleyan -Methodist Chapel at
Edmonton. Provincial Archives of Alberta, Accession 83.285, Box 13,
Item 960. (Original In Glenbow Alberta Institute Archives.)
- 257 -
FIGURES
- 258 -
- 259 -
- 260 -
Figure 2. Present extent of Aspen Parkland and the location of the
Buffalo Lake Metis site, Alberta.
- 261 -
Figure 3. Map of Buffalo Lake, showing the locations of wintering sites
and related settlements.
- 262 -
Figure 4. Map of Buffalo Lake Metis site, showing locations of excavated
and unexcavated cabins.
- 263 -
Figure 5b. Buffalo Lake Metis site to the east. The wooded ridge in the
background contains many of the cabin locations.
- 264
Figure 6a. "Hal f -breed" house, Wood Mountain Settlement, Saskatchewan.
This is a typical house used in areas occupied by the peoples of the
Lower Saskatchewan south of the fertile belt. Successive extensions,
forming a multiple-dwelling unit, are known to have been employed at St.
Albert prior to the smallpox of 1870. St. Albert houses, however, used
post-on-sill construction with logs squared by broad-axe. National
Archives of Canada, C -81781, 1975-122 (G. M. Dawson, Case 42, No. 169,
Album 2, p. 45) .
Figure 6b. Dawson City, June 1898. Permanent buildings erected in 1896
or earlier are interspersed with uncompleted buildings and tents. This
is a good example of the typical development of a very rapidly growing
settlement within geographical constraints similar to those at Buffalo
Lake. National Archives of Canada, C-16872, 1948-98 (Mines and
Resources) .
- 265 -
Figure 7a. Mrs. Michel Vivier, resident of Buffalo Lake, 1873-1878, with
cayuse, tent, and Red River cart. Provincial Archives of Alberta, B.1042,
t. Brown Collection.
Figure 7b. School-chapel of ca. 1876, showing a style of construction
perhaps comparable to that at Buffalo Lake. Provincial Archives of
Alberta, Ob. 2004, Oblate Collection.
- 266 -
Figure 8a. Original home of the Brelands, built ca. 1874, from Battle
River Country: The History of Duhamel and Area. Photograph courtesy of
the Duhamel Historical Society.
Figure 8b. The Jerome Laboucane House, identified as being built around
1860 (actually about 1875). The picture was taken about 1909. From
Battle River Country: the History of Duhamel and Area. Photograph
courtesy of the Duhamel Historical Society.
- 267 -
Figure 9b. Buffalo Lake Metis Site, excavations at Cabin 3, to northwest.
- 268 -
Figure 10. Buffalo Lake Metis Site. Cabin 3, plan view.
- 269 -
Figure lib. Fireplace, from above.
- 270 -
Figure 12a. Cabin 3. Fireplace (Feature 1 ) , to west-northwest, showing
the uppermost ash layer.
Figure 12b. Fireplace, to west, showing the second ash layer.
Figure 13a. Cabin 3. Fireplace (Feature 1), to west
ash layer and contiguous occupation level.
showing the second
Figure 13b. Fireplace, to southeast, showing detail of the second ash
layer and contiguous occupation level.
- 272 -
Figure 14b. Fireplace. Profile of south wall, showing clay apron and
ash layers.
- 273 -
Figure 15. Chimney formerly located in Chimney Coulee, northwest of
Eastend, Saskatchewan. The site was occupied in approximately
1880-1890. This chimney may generally resemble those built at Buffalo
Lake. Photos (ca. 1910-1913) courtesy of Eric A. Holmes.
-274-
Figure 16. Cabin 3. Interior Storage and Refuse Pit (Feature 2),
profile of east wall .
Figure
17a.
Cabin 3.
Interior Refuse Pit (Feature 3), to east.
35N 10E
centimetres
' \
Humus
Backdirt from potting
Fill -Grey-black sandy silt
Slump - Tan-clayey sand
Charcoal and wood dust lens
Till
Figure
17b.
Cabin 3.
Interior Refuse Pit, east wall profile.
- 276 -
0 2
Figure 18. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Hunting, a, brass ramrod
ferrule; b, gunflint; c, percussion cap; d, round ball; e, lead shot; f,
rimfire cartridge case; g, centrefire cartridge case; h, centrefire shot
shell.
- 277 -
b
0 5
p _™*~~~»~_™ — — r i »
J inches
Figure 19. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Hunting, a, Henry repeating
rifle (not to included scale), Glenbow Collection; photograph courtesy of
Glenbow Museum; b, iron projectile point; c, knife blade tip; d, modified
knife blade fragment.
- 278 -
Mill lr
inches
Figure 20. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Construction, Blacksmi thing,
and Crafts, a, triangular file; b, rose-head forged nail fragment; c,
gable-head forged nail fragment; d, gable-head cut nail fragment; e, f,
flat-head cut nails, Group 1; g, h flat-head cut nails, Group 2; i, j,
flat-head cut nails, Group 3; k cut nail shank fragment; 1, wire nail; m,
iron wood screw; n, copper rivet; o, iron pintle or hook fragment; p,
iron sheet staple.
- 279 -
Figure 21. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance. Ceramics, a, plain white glazed earthenware,
possible bowl sherd; b, cup or small bowl sherd; c, dinner plate sherd;
d, bowl sherd; e dinner plate bottom; f, creamware cup sherd.
- 280 -
Figure 22. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance. Ceramics, a, monochrome underglaze transfer-
printed ware cup sherds; b, possible cup or bowl sherd; c, shallow bowl
or saucer sherd; d, possible cup or bowl sherds; e bowl sherd; f, shallow
bowl or saucer sherd; g, cup or small bowl sherd.
- 281 -
Figure 23. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance, a, monochrome underglaze transfer-printed ware,
small bowl sherd; b, saucer or shallow bowl sherd; c, bowl sherd; d, bowl
sherd; e, polychrome underglaze sponge-stamped ware, cup sherd; f, red
stoneware, cup sherd.
- 282 -
V
hi? > *i, 5>'/y 4
O S
f j 1 cm,
inch**
0 2
Figure 24. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance. Glassware, a, transparent bottle glass sherds; b,
Perry Davis Vegetable Pain Killer bottle sherds; c, medicine or
druggist's bottle sherds; d, scotch-style whisky bottle sherds; e,
multiple dose medicine bottle sherds; f, mirror glass; g, window glass.
- 283 -
Figure 25. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance, a, iron strapping; b iron keg or barrel hoop
fragment; c ferrous metal container lid; d, iron can; e, iron can
fragment; f, brass metal ring; g, lead foil; h, perforated zink alloy
sheet fragments.
- 284 -
Figure 26. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance, a, wire handle; b, c, iron hooks; d, metal
straight pins; e, stamped metal spoon; f, tin-plated cup; g,
strike-a-light fragment; h rectangular brass object; i, silver United
States half dime (not to included scale); j, hard rubber comb tooth.
- 285 -
d e
9 h
0 5
^ " " | c m.
— I inches
0 2
j .mmm 'Wmmmm. •
Figure 27. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Transportation, a, horseshoe
nails; b, base of harness stud or bell; c, leather harness strap
fragment; d, e, harness buckles with rounded end; f, harness buckle with
straight end; g, h, harness rings.
- 286 -
e
Figure 28. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Dress and Ornamentation.
Buttons, a, Type la glass button; b, Type lb glass button; c, Type 2
glass button; d, Type 3 glass button; e, Type 4 glass button; f, Type 5a,
plain white glass button; g, Type 5b, quilted or cross-hatched overglaze
transfer design glass button; h, Type 5c, pale blue glass button; i, Type
5d, branch and leaves design glass button; j, Type 6 glass button.
- 287 -
0 5
cm.
Inches
0 2
Figure 29. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Dress and Ornamentation.
Buttons, a, Type 1 shell button; b, Type 2 shell button; c, Type 3 sh
button; d, Type 4 shell button; e, Tupe 1 bone button; f, Type 2 bone
button; g, Type 1 two-piece military button with wire shank.
- 288 -
0 5
cm.
™J inches
0 — 2
Figure 30. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Dress and Ornamentation.
Buttons, a, Type 2 one-piece, spun-back cast metal button; b, Type 3
metal button; c, Type 4, Variety a metal button; d, Type 4, Variety b
metal button; e, Type 5, Variety a metal button; f, Type 5, Variety b
metal button; g, Type 6 metal button; h, Type 7 metal button; i, Type 8,
Variety a metal button; j, Type 8, Variety b metal button.
- 289 -
a
cm,
inches
Figure 31. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Dress and Ornamentation.
Beads and Ornaments, a, monochrome drawn tubular beads; b, bichrome
drawn tubular beads; c, transparent wound bead; d, translucent wound
bead; e, facetted wound bead; f, transparent green pressed glass bead; g,
transparent yellow pressed glass bead; h, i, metal beads; j, pendant; k,
glass object.
- 290 -
- 291 -
0 5
cm.
inches
0 2
Figure 33. Cabin 3. Artifacts related to Native Industries, a, ceramic
fragment; b, side-notched projectile point fragment; c, d, triangular
projectile point fragments; e, f, end-scrapers; gt retouched flake; h,
utilized flake.
- 292 -
Figure 34a. Buffalo Lake Metis Site. Cabin 1, to north, showing general
location and nature of vegetation.
Figure 34b. Excavations at Cabin 1, 1971, to east.
- 293 -
LEGEND
Profile
Figure 35. Cabin 1, plan view, showing wall lines, Fireplace (Feature
1), and Ash Concentration (Feature 2). A-B on plan shows location of
profile of Ash Concentration (inset).
- 294 -
Figure 36b. View of same ridge from above, to southwes
- 295 -
Figure 37a. Cabin 1. Northeast corner of cabin, represented by traces
of timber in the earth, to north.
Figure 37b. Cabin 1. Fireplace (Feature 1 ) , to west. Probable firebox
is in the foreground.
- 296 -
Figure 38. Cabin 1. Artifacts related to Hunting and to Construction,
Blacksmi thing, and Crafts, a, rimfire cartridge case; b, percussion cap;
c, cap box lid; d, rose-head forged nail; e, gable-head forged nail; f, L
or T-head forged nail; g, flat-head forged nail; h, i, forged nail
fragments; j, forged or cut iron nail; k, rose-head cut nail; 1,
gable-head cut nail; m, n, flat-head cut nails, Group 1; o, p. flat-head
cut nails, Group 2; q, r, flat-head cut nails, Group 3; s, cut nail
fragment with pounded end; t, iron wire.
- 297 -
b
d
cm.
Inches
Figure 39. Cabin 1. Artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance. Ceramics, a, plain white glazed earthenware
sherd; b, Copeland earthenware sherd with blue geometric "Turco" pattern
c, d, Copeland earthenware sherds with blue "Grapevine" pattern; e, f,
Copeland earthenware plate fragment with blue transfer-printed "Beverly"
pattern.
- 298 -
Figure 40. Cabin 1. Artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance, to Transportation, and to Recreation and Smoking.
a, earthenware sherd with "flowed" blue transfer-printed pattern B 772;
b, "Portneuf" earthenware sherd with brown and green flower pattern; c,
earthenware sherd with pink, green, and purple leaf -and-f lower design; d,
green glass bottle fragment; e, perforated metal object; f, tin-plate box
fragment; g, corrugated tin-plate fragment; h, irregular perforated iron
sheet; i, horseshoe nail; j, pipe bowl fragment.
- 299 -
: ■ , !
cm.
inches
Figure 41. Cabin 1. Artifacts related to Dress and Ornamentation,
a, Type 1 shell button; b, Type 1 bone button fragment; c, d, Type 2
one-piece spun-back cast buttons; e, Type 4, Variety a, "birdcage" brass
button; f, Type 5a decorated hollow two-piece brass and iron button; g,
Type 5d decorated hollow two-piece brass and iron button; h, Type 5?
plain hollow two-piece brass button; i, small blue glass bead; j, small
pink glass bead; k, large amber glass bead.
- 300 -
Figure 42a. Cabin 2. Near cabin location, to north, showing type of
vegetation on top of the ridge.
Figure 42b. Excavations in 1971, to west.
Figure 43. Cabin 2, plan view, showing wall lines, Fireplace (Feature
1), and Refuse Pit (Feature 2).
- 302 -
Figure 44a. Cabin 2. Timber representing north wall of cabin, from
above.
Figure 44b. Cabin 2. Refuse Pit (Feature 2), to north.
- 303 -
b
r
d
\
cm.
inches
Figure 45. Cabin 2. Artifacts related to Hunting and to Construction,
Blacksmithing, and Crafts, a, round ball; b, lead shot; c, forged nail
fragment; d, forged or cut iron nail; e, flat-head cut nail, Group 1; f,
flat-head cut nail, Group 2; g, flat-head cut nail, Group 3; h, cut nail
with reinforced head; i, cut nail fragment with pounded end; j, cut nail
fragment; k, key.
- 304 -
a
e
c
Figure 46. Cabin 2. Artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance, to Transportation, and to Dress and Ornamentation,
a, plain white glazed earthenware sherd; b, c, earthenware sherds with
"flowed" blue transfer-printed pattern B 772; d, light green glass bottle
fragment; e, window or mirror glass fragment; f, g, iron strapping; h,
tin-plate box rim fragment; i, elongated, parallel-sided metal sheet; j,
lead foil; k, pencil lead; 1, hard rubber comb fragment; m, horseshoe
nail, n, Type 1 shell button; o, small blue glass bead; p, small pink
glass bead.
- 305 -
f g
0 5
o y
Figure 47. Cabin 2. Refuse Pit (Feature 2). Artifacts related to
Hunting and to Construction, Blacksmi thing, and Crafts, a, gunflint; b,
round ball; c, lead shot; d, sprue fragments?; e, lead bullet; f, file
tang; g, gable-head forged nail; h, i, forged or cut iron nails.
- 306
1
e
rnz:
Figure 48. Cabin 2. Refuse Pit. Artifacts related to Construction,
Blacksmithing, and Crafts, a, gable-head cut nail; b, flat-head cut
nail, Group 1; c, d, flat-head cut nails, Group 2; e, flat-head cut nail,
Group 3; f, cut nail fragment; g, wire (round) nail; h, washer and tack?;
i, screw; j, washer or finial fragment; k, metal clasp or retainer.
- 307 -
0 5 I -\
| [ ] c m
J n iches
If""" """"" — 2
Figure 49. Cabin 2. Refuse Pit. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance, a, plain white glazed earthenware
sherd; b, Copeland earthenware sherd with blue "Grapevine" pattern; c,
Copeland earthenware sherd with blue "Flower Vase"? pattern; d, Copeland
earthenware sherd with blue "B 700"? pattern; e, Copeland earthenware
with blue "Meander" pattern; f, green glass bottle fragment; g, mirror or
window glass fragment (outlined); h, tin can lid; i, tin-plate or iron
fragment; j, metal foil.
- 308 -
Figure 50. Cabin 2. Refuse Pit. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance, to Transportation, and to Dress and
Ornamentation, a, bone shaving brush handle; b, knife inlay fragment?;
c, hard rubber comb fragment; d, leather fragment; e, f, cloth fragments;
g, Type 4, glass button; h, Type 5 shell button; i, Type 6 shell buttons;
j, k, Type 1 bone buttons; 1, Type 5 bone button; m, Type 4a "birdcage"
button (small).
- 309 -
f
O v
9 h
[ inches
Figure 51. Cabin 2. Refuse Pit. Artifacts related to Dress and
Ornamentation and to Native Industries, a, Cornaline d'Aleppo bead; b,
small blue glass beads; c, small green glass bead; c, dark blue glass
spherical bead; e, blue glass spherical bead fragment; f, robin's egg
blue glass spherical bead; g, blue glass facetted bead fragment; h, green
glass facetted bead fragment; i, clear glass facetted bead; j, ring
stone; k, projectile point; 1, projectile point fragment?
Figure 52. Buffalo Lake Metis site. Cabin 4, general view to east,
looking along the north wall of the cabin. The Fireplace (Feature 2) is
under the tree stump in the background.
- 311 -
Figure 53. Cabin 4, plan view, showing wall lines and features.
- 312 -
- 313 -
Figure 55a. Cabin 4. External Pit (Feature 3), showing bark lining in
prof i le of west wal 1 .
Figure 55b. Cabin 4. Detail of bark lining in plan view, to west and
from above.
-314 -
1
Figure 56. Cabin 4. Artifacts related to all Categories, a, cut nails;
b, cut T-head brad; c, monochrome underglaze transfer-printed ware sherd,
saucer or shallow bowl; d, small bowl sherd; e, transparent bottle glass
fragment (outlined); f, facetted glass pendant; g, metal handle; h metal
strap fragments; i, Type 1 shell button; j, Type 1 bone button; k, Type 5
metal button; 1, hard rubber comb; m, clasp fragment.
315
«ltr
g
cm,
inches
Figure 57. Cabin 4. Refuse Area. Artifacts related to Hunting and to
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts, a, gunflint; b, rimfire
cartridge case; c, lead bullet; d, file tang; e, rose-head forged nail;
f, flat-head cut nails; g, cut sprig; h, staples; i, rivet.
- 316 -
Figure 58. Cabin 4. Refuse Area. Artifacts related to Household,
Businesss, and Personal Maintenance, a, monochrome underglaze
transfer-printed ware, bowl sherds; b, bowl sherds; c, cup sherds; d,
light green transparent glass bottle fragment; e, transparent sunburst
amethyst glass bottle fragment; f, small patent medicine bottle
fragment?; g, wine or beer bottle fragment; h, tumbler fragments; i, lamp
chimney fragment.
317 -
Figure 59. Cabin 4. Refuse Area. Artifacts related to Household,
Business, and Personal Maintenance, to Transportation, to Dress and
Ornamentation, to Recreation and Smoking, and to Native Industries, a,
b, metal strapping; c, iron container fragment; d, fork; e, horseshoe
nails; f, leather heel fragment; g, Type 5a glass buttons; h, smoking
pipe fragment.
- 318 -
Figure 60b. Cabin 5. Plan view, showing excavations, wall lines, and
features, plotted largely from surface indications.
- 319-
4S 2E West wall North wall
Figure 61. Cabin 5. Large Depression (Feature 6), profile of west and
north walls.
- 320 -
- 321 -
Figure 63. Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Hunting and to Construction,
Blacksmithing, and Crafts, a, trigger; b, percussion caps; c, percussion
cap box lid; d, lead shot; e, rimfire cartridge case; f, centrefire
cartridges from cellar; g, axe head; h, half-round file fragment; i,
possible tool handle fragments; j, forged iron nail shank; k, machine-cut
iron nail; 1, cut sprig; m, cut tack; n, wire nail fragment; o staple
fragment; p, heavy barrel hoop fragment (not to included scale).
322
\
h
m
k
5
Hem.
inches
Figure 64. Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance. Ceramics, a, monochrome underglaze
transfer-printed ware sherd, plate; b, plate sherd?; c, d, undetermined
vessel sherds; e, polychrome underglaze sponge-stamped ware, saucer
sherd; f, saucer sherd; g, cup sherd; h, undetermined vessel sherd; i,
hard paste earthenware or stoneware, possible cup sherds; j, possible
teapot sherd; k, soft-paste earthenware, undetermined vessel sherd.
- 323 -
inches
Figure 65. Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance and to Transportation, a, clear bottle glass
fragment; b, amber bottle glass fragment; c, pale green bottle glass
fragment; d, mirror glass; e, lead foil; f, g, food container seals; n,
straight pins; i, sewing needle; j, horseshoe nail.
- 324 -
a
Figure 66. Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Dress and Ornamentation.
Buttons, a, Type 3, glass button fragment; b, Type 5a glass button- c
alals on' fUtT°n: d0' Tyf.^ 91355 ^tton; 'e. Type 8? lain wh He '
glass button; f, Type 8, mland polychrome glass button; g. Type 2 shell
hut rVh'rTyPVkShe'! bU"0n: Type 5 she11 """on j Type 3 bone
button; k, Type 4 bone button.
- 325 -
0 5
—
" I 1 T 1
L 1
1
0 " 2
Figure 67. Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Dress and Ornamentation.
Buttons, a, Type 2 metal button; b, Type 4a metal button; c, Type 5b
metal button; d, Type 5c metal button; e, Type 5d metal button; f, Type
8a metal button; g, Type 9 metal button; h, Type 10 metal button; i,
miscellaneous button back.
0 5
cm,
, inches
0 2
Figure 68. Cabin 5. Artifacts related to Dress and Ornamentation and
Miscellaneous Unidentified Objects, a, leather heel; b leather fragment;
c, hook-and-eye clothing fastener; d, shoelace eye; e, hat pin fragment;
f, earring; g, drawn tubular "seed" beads; h, "intermediate" bead; i,
"pony" bead; j, hexagonal bead; k, 1, wound glass "pony" beads; m,
pressed glass bead; n, metal beads; o, plastic ring.
- 327 -
a
b
Figure 69. Cabins 6 to 12. Artifacts related to Hunting, to
Construction, Blacksmithing, and Crafts, and to Household, Business, and
Personal Maintenance, a, gun barrel and breech (not to included scale);
b, spade blade fragment; c, forged iron hinge fragment.
- 328 -
Figure 70. Cabins 6 to 12. Artifacts related to Household, Business,
and Personal Maintenance. Ceramics, a, Copeland patterns, Cabin 6; b,
Copeland patterns Cabin 7; c, Copeland patterns Cabin 9; d, Copeland
patterns Cabin 9 and 10 (mixed sample); e, Copeland patterns Cabin 11;
f, Copeland pattern Cabin 12.
- 329 -
f
Figure 71. Cabins 6 to 12. Artifacts related to Household, Business,
and Personal Maintenance and to Dress and Ornamentation, a,
sponge-stamped ware sherd; b, stoneware sherd; c, Perry Davis Vegetable
Pain Killer sherds; d, iron can fragment; e, rectangular ferrous metal
container fragment; f, Type 3 glass button; g, Type 3 bone button; h,
large wound cobalt-blue glass bead; i, brass ornament.
- 330 -
APPENDIX I
THE BUFFALO LAKE METIS SITE TEXTILES
Barbara F. Schweger
Boreal Institute for Northern Studies
University of Alberta
Edmonton, Alberta T6G 2E9
This descriptive study of 1870's textile fragments recovered from the
Metis site at Buffalo Lake, Alberta, documents the attributes of the
fabrics through the use of standard textile procedures and employs
standard textile terminology. It also offers comments on facets of
deterioration and biodegradation that are in evidence, since the
understanding of the process of degradation, in itself, can aid greatly
in the interpretation of material remains from a site.
Many researchers recognize that textiles found in archaeological
excavations provide information on the types of fabrics in use at a
particular time and in a particular location, as well as on the
technology of cloth manufacture, its tools, and its techniques. Even so,
there has been little emphasis on the recovery and analysis of textiles
from western Canadian sites. The textiles that have been recovered in
Alberta (for example, Baldwin 1978:43) have yet to be studied in detail.
In other instances, it may be that unfami 1 iari ty with the potential value
of textile evidence has discouraged archaeologists from field collection
of these poorly preserved organic materials. As a result, no data set on
archaeological textile finds in Alberta exists, and sources for
comparison of materials from one site to another are non-existent.
The following characterization of the small number of textile
fragments from the Buffalo Lake Metis site is an initial step in making
available textile data, and one hopes it will encourage the future
inclusion of textile evidence in Alberta archaeological studies. As data
are amassed, both on the textile artifacts themselves and the degree and
type of biodegradation that has affected these artifacts, archaeological
fabrics will come to offer another tool for interpretation of site
history.
CHARACTERIZATION OF THE BUFFALO LAKE TEXTILE ARTIFACTS
The description and analysis of the fabrics from the Buffalo Lake
Metis site are based upon the same concepts generally employed in textile
studies. These include determination of staple and filament fibers,
singles and plied yarns, fiber and yarn diameter, warp and weft elements,
weave structure and thread counts, and the presence of selvage edges.
The ease with which these characteristics can be documented for
archaeological textiles depends on the degree of degradation on the
fibers and yarns.
- 332 -
Cotton is a cellulose staple fiber which shows regular twists under
low magnification; under higher magnification, the cotton fiber is seen
to be composed of cuticle, primary wall, secondary wall, and lumen. Bast
fibers include linen, jute, and hemp. They are derived from the stems
and leaves of plants, and have a higher lignin content than does cotton.
Wool is a protein fiber which is high in keratin; it is composed of
cuticle, cortex, and medulla. Under magnification, the cuticle is seen
to be formed of overlapping scales; these are important in the
characterization of the wool fiber. Silk is a filament formed from the
solidification of fluid excreted from the silkworm and a few other
invertebrates. Under magnification, raw silk appears as two cylindrical
structureless threads and is triangular in cross-section. Along with
observations made of physical properties, fiber identification generally
is based upon chemical and "burn" tests. These are of less use for small
archaeological textiles due to the destructive nature of the testing.
Fibers of short length are twisted together (spun) to make a
continuous yarn; singles, single-ply and 1 -pi y yarn are synonyms for this
yarn structure. A combined yarn is composed of two or more spun yarns
but not twisted together. If two or more single yarns are twisted
together the process is called plying and the number of components
determines whether it is 2-ply, 3-ply, etc. The direction of the twist
is called S or Z, depending on whether the spiral of the spun element
conforms to the slant of the central portion of the letter S or the
letter Z. The angle of twist refers to the angle that the slant of the
twist makes with the vertical axis of the yarn (Emery 1966:11).
Tightness of twist is the number of twists per lineal measurment.
A single yarn refers to the simplest usable unit; thus, it is either
a yarn composed of short staple fibers with a sufficient twist to hold it
together, or it is a yarn composed of several filaments generally held
together with some amount of twist. Staple fibers are short fibers that
are measured in inches or less, compared to filiments which are long
fibers that can be measured in yards or even kilometers. Since the silk
filament is too fine to be used alone, the term single, in reference to
silk threads, usually denotes a group of three to ten pairs of silk
filaments, whether twisted together or simply combined (Emery 1966:8).
Measurement of yarn diameter is easy for single yarns but becomes
more difficult with plied yarns, especially when they are very loosely
twisted. It is even more difficult when the yarns in a fabric are being
measured, since original characteristics may be hidden or distorted so
that even the same yarn used in the same fabric will not provide the same
measurements. Even so, such approximate measurements are a necessary
part of the full description and comparison of fabric samples (Emery
1966:10-11).
The characterization of the structural makeup of elements of fabric
construction and the interworking of these elements to produce fabric is
based, by most North American researchers, upon the descriptive
classification scheme and terminology published by Emery (1966). Woven
fabrics have at least two sets of elements: (1) the warp yarns which run
longitudinally on a threaded loom during fabric manufacture, and (2) the
weft yarns which cross and interwork with the warp elements at more or
less right angles. In a woven fabric, warp and weft threads can be
- 333 -
distinguished with certainty only when the selvage, that finished edge on
a woven piece of fabric where the weft reverses direction, is present.
Non-woven fabrics such as knits, twined work, rope, or cordage do not
have selvage edges as defined here.
In a plain weave fabric, each weft unit passes alternately over and
under successive warp units. All warps that lie above one passage of
weft lie below the next, above the third, below the fourth, etc.
Therefore, both sides of a plain weave fabric appear structurally
identical. If the warp and weft yarns are equally spaced and
approximately equal in size, the plain weave is said to be "balanced."
The thread count refers to the number of warp and weft yarns present in a
given linear unit of measurement. For example, if there are 30 warp
yarns and 30 weft yarns per centimeter, the count is said to be
"square." If warp and weft differ in diameter, even a square count will
result in unequal spaces between elements and the weave will not be
balanced. Thread count is not used, as such, for non-woven textiles.
A float is any portion of a warp or weft element that extends over
two or more units of the opposite set on either side of the fabric.
Float weaves are distinguished by differences in the basic system of the
organization of the floats (Emery 1966:92). Twill weaves have
progressive successions of floats in diagonal alignment; satin weaves
have a progression of floats but do not show diagonal alignment. Twills
are called "even" if they have the diagonal allignment of floats
remaining consistent throughout and the numerically designated order of
interlacing is maintained both by warp and weft throughout; front and
back of the even twill fabric is similar. Uneven twills are interlaced
so that no element passes over the same number of elements that it passes
under; therefore, the front and back of the uneven twill fabric is
structurally dissimilar. Satin weave is also dissimilar on front and
back, but differs from an uneven twill in that the diagonal alignment of
the floats is intermittent.
Degradation of fibers and fabrics can be either by mechanical damage,
such as insect attack, abrasion, tension breaks, cuts and punctures, or
by chemical damage, such as by enzymes secreted by microorganisms, acids,
oxidizing agents, light, and heat. Various chemical tests are available
to establish specific types of damage (Martin 1968). Matthews (1936:554)
discusses particular observations that pertain to cotton, while Trottman
(1970:105) considers the detection of damage to silk. Among the
microscopic observations that indicate fiber degradation are the presence
of fungal mycelia, loss of scales on wool fibers, and the rupturing of
silk fibers so that individual fibrils project in little tufts from the
fiber surface.
It is these concepts that have been utilized in the study of the
Buffalo Lake Metis site textile artifacts.
MATERIALS AND METHODS
The very small size and the fragility of the textile artifacts have
determined the manner in which they were analyzed. Since they range in
size from smaller than 1 cm x 1 cm to a maximum of 32.5 cm x 1.9 cm, only
minute specimens were taken from the artifact edge for microscopic
- 334 -
examination. All study was conducted using magnification, from low power
through 500x; no chemical testing or burn tests were attempted due to the
small size of the artifacts and the amount of debris attached to the
fibers and lodged in the spaces between yarns.
All artifacts were first photographed on graph paper. Those textile
fragments that were very small and had been collected and stored in soil
matrix were photographed in this state, in the plastic petri dish in
which they have been stored. In these cases, the textile itself is not
visible in the photograph.
The textile fragments, whether in reasonably "clean" form or
encrusted with organic sediment, were studied under low magnification to
determine whether fabric structure was visible and if warp and weft
threads could be distinguished from each other. If this was possible,
warp and weft yarns were removed for study. For each accessioned
artifact, recognizing that some accession numbers represent a number of
small textile fragments rather than a single fragment, a decision was
made as to whether the fragment would be washed. The decision took into
consideration whether or not washing would disturb other potentially
useful information and whether washing was needed to make fiber and
fabric characteristics more visible for purposes of identification.
Artifacts were only washed in those instances where the size and strength
were considered sufficient. The question of whether organic
archaeological artifacts should be washed and stored in a clean condition
or whether adhering soil should be considered as a portion of the
information available for artifact/microenvi ronmental humification
studies is not being addressed in the present report.
Larger specimens were encased in netting before washing; this was
unnecessary for the smaller, more square-shaped specimens. In all cases,
where the "artifact" consisted of several fragments, some were left
unwashed. Most artifacts were merely rinsed gently, first with tap water
and then with distilled water, and dried flat on mylar film. Several
pieces would not "wet out" without the addition of detergent; later
analysis showed these textiles to be made of wool. The dried textile
fragments were measured and then stored individually in cotton
muslin-lined plastic petri dishes.
All meassurements and sketches were made after washing since the
unwashed fragments were curled, rolled, and virtually impossible to
measure beforehand. Thread counts were done with the aid of a dissecting
microscope; fiber and yarn diameter measurements were made using the
micrometer on a Leitz light microscope. Due to the small size of the
textile fragment artifacts, single measurements have been used in the
table rather than averaging a series of measurements. It must be
stressed, therefore, that variation in relative humidity can affect
measurment consistency and that yarn counts can vary in a fabric due to
inconsistencies in the weaving process.
Unwashed fabric fragments were not measured, although fibers and
yarns from unwashed specimens were sampled in some cases. Slides were
made of fibers, warp and weft yarns, and small (2 mm x 2 mm or less)
fabric specimens were taken from the edge of the artifact. No stains
were added. The fibers, yarns, and fabrics were first studied in a water
- 335 -
mount, then allowed to dry, and the corners of the glass coverslip were
tacked down with clear nail polish.
The many examples of fungal activity in relation to the fabric
specimens were noted. No attempts were made to culture the
microorganisms for positive identification. Although this could be done,
too many years of "undocumented" handling of the artifacts has occurred
to permit meaningful results.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
A summary of the fiber, yarn, and fabric characteristics of textile
artifacts recovered from Cabin 2 and Cabin 3 of the Buffalo Lake Metis
site is presented in Table 1 (page 340). Textile artifacts recovered
from Cabin 5 are not included in the table. The reason for this is
explained below.
Cabin 2, Refuse Pit
The two textile specimens located in the refuse pit in Cabin 2,
H73.140.34 and H73.140.35, are made of silk and show identical yarn and
fabric structure. Warp and weft yarns can be positively identified due
to the presence of selvage edges on one edge. Before washing these two
artifacts, distinct fold lines were noted; care was taken to see that
these were not totally obliterated in washing and drying.
The fold lines indicate that the one-inch-wide fabric strip, ribbon,
or seam binding was folded twice so as to be a 4-layered 1/4" wide fabric
strip. It was folded on the length-wise grain, that is, in the direction
of the warp yarns. The fabric was knotted after it was folded. The
knots that remain are of particular interest, since the knots are the
means of holding the fabric in the thick, four-layered narrow strip.
That each of the two specimens contains these knots leads one to suggest
that these fragments originally came from one textile object that was
placed in the refuse pile. Since only one selvage can be located, it
cannot be definitely stated whether the 1" fabric strip is a ribbon or
tape or actually a fabric strip ripped an inch from a selvage edge.
The warp yarns are 2-ply brown (at least at present) yarn made up of
10 to 12 silk fibers, 5 to 6 fibers making up each singles yarn. This
silk warp yarn may be equivalent to the yarns today called "organzin."
Organzin is a silk yarn, manufactured for use as warp, which is made up
of two or more threads of silk that have been lightly twisted together
(Trottman 1979:102; Matthews 1936:179).
The weft yarns are green and of larger diameter. They appear to be
single ply. While one could speculate that the weft is of "tram" (a
common silk weft yarn that unites two or more singles but is very loosely
spun), this cannot be the case if the weft yarn is only single ply.
Further investigation could demonstrate whether the weft is what is
called "thrown silk" or "grege," two terms that are applied when two or
more filaments of raw silk are reeled together and given a slight twist.
- 336 -
The fabrics are plain, unbalanced weaves with 65-68 threads per cm in
the warp and 34 threads per cm in the weft. This evidence could aid
future researchers in determining whether these two fabric artifacts
represent a commercial type of narrow tape or braid that was available
for use at Buffalo Lake.
Cabin 3, Feature 2
The eight textile fragments recovered from the large interior cellar
(Feature 2) in Cabin 3 are characterized in Table 1, page 340.
The fiber identification, yarn structure, and fabric structure
indicate that H75.101.412, H75.101.595, H75. 100.600 and H76.89.26,
H76.89.146, H76.89.247, and H76.89.263 are, again, a narrow silk fabric,
tape, or ribbon. These seven fragments have both 2-ply warp and 1 -pi y
weft. The warp is made of two singles yarns, each of which has about 6
silk filaments; the 1 -ply weft is a heavier yarn made of about 16 silk
filaments. The interlacing of warp and weft create a plain, unbalanced
weave.
Selvage edges are visible. In fact, H75.101.412 clearly shows two
selvage edges. This is extremely important, for it indicates that this
specimen, and quite possibly all of these 2-ply warp/l-ply weft silk
fragments, are derived from narrow woven tape and not a wider fabric that
has been torn into strips.
The weft yarns of H74.101.600 are definitely green in color, more
intensely so than is the case with some of the other specimens. For
example, fibers from H75.101.412 appear brown but are slightly greenish
at the edges. It remains to be seen whether this character is of
signf icance.
In contrast to the artifacts discussed so far, H76.89.263 is not
silk, wool, or cotton. It appears to be made of bast fiber. The
degraded nature of the specimen makes it unlikely that the plant genus
can be identified in the future. The artifact appears to be a remnant of
rope or cordage, and may include several different yarn types. No
selvage is visible; in fact the lay of the fibers suggests that it is not
woven, but merely plyed. This is the structural arrangement that would
be expected for rope, cordage, or twine.
Additional study of H76,89.263 is recommended. It would be of
interest to understand aspects of the preservation of a textile artifact
from a plant-derived source that has a higher lignin content that
cotton. One expects that few bast fiber textile artifacts have been
recovered from Alberta sites.
Cabin 3, Feature 3,
Small Interior Cellar
The three textile specimens collected from Feature 3 in Cabin 3 are
characterized in Table 1, page 340. Fabrics H75. 101 .132a, .132b, and
.266 appear to be similar, since each exhibits warp and weft of silk, a
2-ply warp, a 1 -ply weft, and yarn diameters that are similar. Whereas
the fabrics from Cabin 2 suggest the presence of a blue or green weft,
- 337 -
these fabrics show both warp and weft to be a golden brown color. This
may be the result of different site soil conditions. Testing of the
fabric for the presence of blue dye could determine whether the original
color was brown, since one wonders whether both warp and weft of all
these silk fabrics were not originally blue or blue-green.
It is common for archaeological textiles to show little evidence of
dyes and to appear brown or black. Spectroscopic and chromotographic
techniques, however, are a means to verify the presence of dye, unless
the dye is one of the rare types that decompose in a way that leaves no
evidence. Blue dyes from the nineteenth century are generally based on
indigotin, which comes from the two plant sources woad and indigo. It is
not possible to chemically determine from which of the two sources a blue
dye is derived, since indigotin is chemically identical from either
source.
Dyeing can be carried out either before spinning, after the yarn is
spun, or after the material is woven. Sometimes, by studying fibers in
cross-section, it is possible to distinguish fibers from fabric-dyed
material from those of fiber or yarn-dyed material. This is because the
fiber core may be lighter in color than the outer edges. Some broken
fibers from the blue colored silks appeared to show a lighter core, but
due to the small size of the textile artifacts it was decided not to make
slides specifically of fiber cross-sections. More research would need to
be conducted to determine if the lighter core is evidence that the
light-weight silk fabric was dyed after being woven rather than in the
fiber or yarn stage of manufacture.
The two knots tied in the narrow strips of fabric in H75. 101, 132b are
similar to the knotting of the textiles found in the refuse pit of Cabin
2. Fold lines and the presence of a selvage edge on H75. 101. 132a suggest
the same narrow fabric folded to make a 1/4", 4 layer fabric strip.
By contrast, H75.101.267 is a wool fabric. The fibers are staple
rather than filament. Though no characteristic scales are present on the
fibers, this is not surprising for such a highly degraded specimen. A
fiber diameter of 25 microns, compared to the 16 micron diameter of the
silk fibers in the specimens already discussed, is typical of medium wool
fibers. No selvage is present, so warp and weft are not distinguishable
from each other. However, both elements are 1 -ply and S-spun. The even
twill weave has approximately 14 yarns per cm for both warp and weft and
thus is a balanced weave.
Cabin 5, Feature 6.
Interior of Cabin
The textile specimens accessioned as H82.78.313a, H82.78.313b,
H82.78.314, and H82.78.786 are more complex than the previously discussed
textile artifacts. The presence of concretions, probable fabric
impressions, and probable composites of different fabric types
contributed to the decision to refrain from altering these artifacts in
any way.
The four specimens are each made up of numerous small fragments
rather than one or two pieces. Observations conducted on minute sections
taken from the edge* of several textile fragments included in H82.78.313a
- 338 -
indicated blue warp and weft, yet the variation in fiber diameter made it
diffcult to characterize the plain woven textile as being made of silk or
wool. Intermixed with the blue fibers were translucent to tan-colored
cotton fibers.
H82 .78.313b is composed of at least two separate fabrics and two of
these are adhering tightly together. Yarn counts are not presently
possible because the conformation of the fabric "concretion" is not
flat. One suspects that there are study techniques used by
paleobotanists that could facilitate the analysis of composite textile
artifacts of this sort. It can be determined that one of these fabrics
is plain weave; however, it cannot be separated from the other fabric
upon which it rests without fracturing of the fibers. This prevents even
the removal of single yarns for completion of fiber identification and
yarn analysis. The fabric underneath has a "woolly" appearance under low
magnification, has a definite blue color, and has a fiber diameter of 20
microns which could indicate a fine wool.
H82.78.314 consists primarily of four small pieces of fabric. One of
these was soaked in tap water for three hours to soften it so that
adhering debris could be mechanically removed. This plain weave fabric
has a preponderance of tan-colored fibers, showing no evidence of blue or
green color. However, additional slide preparations from a different
section showed small quantities of 16 micron-wide blue fibers, suggesting
silk, and 24 micron-wide fibers, suggesting a medium wool. No scales
were visible on any fibers.
Between the time of cleaning the fabric specimen, mounting a minute
section on a slide in tap water as a "water-mounted" slide, and making
observations some time later, fungal mycelia developed and grew in the
spaces between yarns. One can suggest contamination of the sample from
handling or from the use of tap water instead of distilled water.
Nonetheless, because this fungal genus definitely differs from genera
observed on other slide preparations made for this study, one is led to
suggest that viable spores remain from the soil on textile fragments
collected from Feature 6 of Cabin 5.
SUMMARY
Microscopic examination of textile fragments found in Cabin 2, Cabin
3 Feature 2, Cabin 3 Feature 3, and Cabin 5 Feature 6 of the 1870*s
Buffalo Lake Metis site has been conducted in order to characterize these
artifacts. Presence or absence of selvage edges, type of weave, thread
count, ply, yarn diameter, fiber identification, fiber diameter, and
fabric color were considered. Observations are presented in Table 1
(page 340) and discussed in the text. Aspects that require further study
are noted. The purpose of the study has been to record technical aspects
of textiles located in this Alberta archaeological site in hopes that
this small project will encourage further archaeological textile analyses
in Alberta.
- 339 -
REFERENCES CITED
Baldwin, Stuart J.
1978 The Elk Point Burial . Occasional Paper No. 11, Archaeological
Survey of Alberta, Alberta Culture Historical Resources, Edmonton.
Emery, Irene
1966 The Primary Structure of Fabrics, The Textile Museum, Washington,
D.C.
Martin, William H.
1968 Methods to Detect Damaged Textile Materials. In Analytical Methods
for a Textile Laboratory, 2nd Ed., edited by J.W. Weaver. Monograph
No. 3, pp. 219-238. American Association of Textile Chemists and
Colorists .
Matthews, J. Merritt
1936 The Textile Fibers. Their Physical, Microscopical and Chemical
Properties . John Wiley and Son, New York.
Trotman, E. R.
1970 Dyeing and Chemical Technology of Textile Fibers. Charles Griffen
and Co. Ltd . , London.
- 340 -
TABLE 1
Cabin 2
H73
140.34
PR
P
68x34
2
124.8
374.4
S B
S
G
-
H73
140.35
PR(?)
P
65x34
-
-
-
16.6
-
-
16.6
Cabin 3
Feature 3
H75
101.132a
PR
P
64x36
2
129.8
259.7
S B 13.2
S
B
-
H75
101.132b
PR(?)
P
62x36
2
S - 16.6
H75
101.266
PR
P
66x34
2
181.2
VB 16.6
H75
101.267
AB
TW
14x14
1
624.0
624.0
W VB 25.1
U
VB
25.1
Cabin 3
Feature 2
H75
101.412
PR
P
56x30
K?)
291.2
291.2
S G 16.6
s
G
16.8
H75
101.595
PR
P
60x40
2
228
S -
s
G
H75
101.600
PR
P
60x40
2
S - -
s
G
12-16
H76.89.26
PR
P
64x36
(?)
208.0
S B
s
B
H76
89.146
PR
P
62x44
2
166.4
187.2
S B
s
B
H76
89.247
PR
P
62x40
2
S B -
s
B
H76.89.263
NA
NA
NA
Unidentified bast fibers
Key: PR = selvage present
AB = selvage absent
NA = not applicable
P = plain weave
TW = twill weave
S silk
W = wool
Note: diameters are measured in microns
G = green
B = brown
YB = yellow-brown
Fabric count = warp threads x weft threads
per centimeter
- = observation not made
? = cannot be determined
with certainty
APPENDIX II
FAUNAL REMAINS AT THE BUFFALO LAKE METIS SITE
Brian P. Kooyman
Department of Archaeology
University of Calgary
Calgary, Alberta
This appendix discusses the significance of the large ungulate
faunal remains recovered from the excavations at the Buffalo Lake Metis
site (FdPe 1). Over 5,000 such bone fragments were recovered. Some
basic data concerning these remains are presented in Table 1 (page 351),
including (by column): (1) the number of large ungulate bone fragments
representing each bone element recovered from each cabin; (2) the minimum
number of each element recovered (MNE), this being the sum of the left
and right elements recovered for paired bones (eg. the leg bones) and the
number of elements for unpaired bones (eg. vertebrae); (3) the minimum
number of individual animals represented for each bone (MNI), as
determined from the MNE counts; and (4) the standardized MNI value,
which ranks the frequency of each bone element as a percentage of the
most common element and so makes it possible readily to compare element
frequencies from one cabin to another regardless of the actual number of
animals represented (Binford 1978:20). With a single exception, all
material that could be identified to species was Bison bison (buffalo).
The single exception, a rib fragment from Cabin 3, has been identified as
Alces alces (moose). The remains included under "unidentified" represent
bone fragments of a size indicating that they might have been from large
ungulates, but where a positive identification could not be made.
Before beginning the discussion of the remains, it should be noted
that the samples from some of the cabins are so small that they are
difficult to interpret on their own (especially Cabin 1, with only 21
diagnostic fragments, and Cabin 2 with only 36 diagnostic fragments).
The absence of a particular element may mean little, and similarly the
presence of a single fragment of a particular element may be given
exaggerated importance. For Cabins 5 and 6 (Cabin 6 actually comprising
the surface-collected material bulldozed from one, or possibly 2,
cabins), a sufficiently large number of individual animals was recovered
in the remains to allow some differentiation in the frequencies of the
various bone elements. For Cabins 1 to 4, however, the standard MNI has
been reduced to little more than a presence/absence indicator due to the
recovery of remains from only a single animal in each case. Variation in
frequency is very difficult to interpret in such circumstances. These
problems will be discussed in the following analysis, and an attempt will
be made to resolve them.
- 342 -
Rib fragments are common in all six cabins, hence their relative
frequency as measured by the standardized MNI value should be reliable.
In this regard, Cabins 5 and 6 have a low rib frequency and clearly stand
out from Cabins 1 to 4, which have a very high frequency. The thoracic
vertebrae are also reasonably well represented in the fragment totals of
all six cabins, and once again the low relative frequency of these in
Cabins 5 and 6, as opposed to the other four cabins, is noteworthy.
Scapulae are another element that may be employed in these terms. Here
the low frequency in Cabin 6 constrasts with the high frequency in the
other five cabins. The final element frequency that may be employed is
that for the tibiae, with Cabins 4 and 6 having a lower frequency than
the other cabins. The absence of tibia remains in Cabin 4 may be a
reflection of the small sample and may not be reliable. What this
evidence seems to indicate is that Cabins 1 to 4 are basically similar in
the patterns of their remains and may be considered as representing a
single pattern. Cabins 5 and 6 are different from this pattern, and they
also differ from each other. Closer examination of the Cabin 6 remains
shows a pattern essentially dominated by two elements, the humerus and
radius. Overall, three basic patterns are observed in the faunal
remains. In view of the similarity of the remains from Cabins 1 to 4,
the problem of poor sample size for these four cabins might be overcome
by pooling their material and treating it as a single unit. This has
been done in Table 2 (page 354).
The broad patterning in the placement of butchering marks on bones
also lends support to the perceived similarity of the butchering in
Cabins 1 to 3 (as will be explained in a later portion of this appendix,
Cabin 4 could not be included in this aspect of the analysis). Only two
elements had enough cut marks preserved to allow a valid comparison, the
ribs and the thoracic vertebrae. In the remains from all three cabins,
the main rib cut-mark concentration was in the midshaft area. A second
major concentration was present in the proximal portion of the ribs from
Cabins 1 and 3. Only Cabins 2 and 3 had cut marks preserved on the
thoracic vertebrae. In both cabins the only concentration of cut marks
was on the dorsal spine. As can best be defined from the remains, the
grouping of Cabins 1 to 4 into a single pattern appears valid. Some
details of the cut mark patterning will be examined later in this
appendix.
BONE FREQUENCY, ETHNICITY, AND STATUS
Examination of the three Buffalo Lake Metis cabin groupings, with
respect to the meat value of each element, as shown in Table 2 (page
354), shows that the elements with essentially no meat on them nave a low
frequency in all cabins (metapodials, carpals, tarsals, and phalanges).
Aside from this, there is no meat value relationship that consistently
holds for all cabins. Clearly meat value is not the sole factor in the
observed frequencies. Historic evidence concerning the Buffalo Lake site
documents that the community was complex in nature, with a variety of
social and ethnic groups in residence. It is highly probable that some
of the variation in bone element frequency evident in the remains is due
- 343 -
to variation in the ethnic origin and social position of the residents in
the various cabins.
In an earlier work (Kooyman 1981:25-27, 49-51, 105-107), I discussed
various lines of evidence suggestive of the meat preferences of the three
main ethnic groups resident in the Parkland at the time the Buffalo Lake
site was occupied: the Metis, Europeans, and Plains Indians. Indian
preferences included the tongue (the mandible being the corresponding
bone element), the hump ribs (the spinous processes of the thoracic
vertebrae), the marrow bones (humerus, radius, and ulna, femur, tibia and
metapodials), and the ribs. The back (thoracic and lumbar vertebrae) and
brisket (sternebrae and distal ribs) were also valued by some groups.
Metis preferences also included the tongue, hump, and brisket, and
probably generally parallelled Indian preferences. European preferences
included the short loin and tenderloin (lumbar vertebrae), the sirloin
(sacrum and ilium of pelvis), the round and upper hindquarter (femur),
the shoulder (humerus and anterior ribs), and the primal ribs (thoracic
vertebrae and posterior ribs). Of these, the round and primal ribs were
of variable importance, depending on locality. The short loin,
tenderloin, and sirloin were generally ranked highest. Although there is
much overlap in the bone elements indicative of each ethnic group's
preferences, some use of bone frequency can be made in assessing
ethnicity. High frequencies of the mandible, thoracic vertebrae, ribs,
radius and ulna, tibia, metapodials, and sternebrae/distal ribs probably
indicate Indian or Metis ethnicity (sternebrae preserve poorly
archaeologically and cannot be used). High frequencies of the sacrum and
pelvis would be good indicators of European ethnicity, with high
frequencies of the lumbar vertebrae, humerus, and femur possibly being
relevant. A particular problem with using the femur is that it is also
the highest ranked bone based on meat value alone. It is essentially
impossible to distinguish between high frequency due to meat value or
European ethnicity.
A further complication when studying Metis material is that although
the Metis are certainly a separate ethnic group (particularly those of
French extraction — see Sprenger 1972:15-25), they had their origin in
the fusion of Indian and European lifestyles and can be expected to
evidence aspects of both. Metis society probably generally ascribed to a
European value system in the past (Kooyman 1981:197-198), though probably
to a lesser degree among the hi vernant hunters. In a previous analysis
of faunal remains from the Metis sites, clear evidence was found to
indicate that a European value system had influenced the remains at the
settlement of Batoche. In contrast, at the Cypress Hills site (a
hivernant site) Indian values were in evidence (Kooyman 1981:85-88,
105-108, 198-200). In studying the Buffalo Lake material, a complex
pattern is to be expected.
It is worth noting here that there are in fact two different facets
of the hivernant subsistence pattern. For some hivernant groups, the
buffalo hunt provided the basis of subsistence throughout the year. The
people who inhabited the Cypress Hills, mentioned above, were an example
of such a group. Others relied on the hunt only during particular times
of the year. As will be seen, it is probable that the Buffalo Lake
people would be included in this category.
- 344 -
Table 3 (page 356) illustrates how the various Buffalo Lake cabins
conform to the ideals of European and Indian/Metis ethnicity. The most
obvious aspect to this table is that Cabins 1 to 4 show strong evidence
for Indian/Metis ethnicity. It can be added that Cabin 3 also has a high
incidence of the mandible (see Table 1, page 351), although based on only
one fragment. All three provenience groupings demonstrate both European
and Indian/Metis ethnic patterns, although the Cabin 6 humerus remains
probably do not show a high enough incidence given the underestimation of
the tabled humerus meat value (see Kooyman 1981:22). Similarly, the
Cabins 1 to 4 pelvis remains are probably not sufficiently frequent to be
indicative of European ethnicity. It was also noted that the frequency
of distal rib ends might be a useful indicator of Indian/Metis
ethnicity. The percentage of rib fragments from each cabin that have the
distal end present are as follows: Cabin 1, 0%; Cabin 2, 11%; Cabin
3,7%; Cabin 4, 2%; Cabin 5, 8%; Cabin 6, 0% (Cabin 1 to 4 average is
5%). All these frequencies seem quite low, although Cabin 2 may have a
sufficiently high frequency. It is, however, based on only a single
fragment. The overall element representation pattern shows a combination
of European and Indian/Metis food preferences, suggesting that all six
cabins represent people of Metis ethnicity. At the same time, the
remains from Cabins 1 to 4 are significantly different from the remains
in Cabins 5 and 6. The remains from Cabins 1 to 4 are similar to what
one might expect from hi vernant Metis.
As already mentioned, an earlier study of Metis faunal remains
revealed a distinct difference between faunal remains from the
settlements of Batoche and Cypress Hills (Kooyman 1981). These were in
part interpreted as being indicative of differences in social position or
status, both terms here being used in their most general sense to denote
perceived or ascribed ranks within a culture that need not necessarily be
associated with any explicit or obvious symbols of this standing. In
Table 2 (page 354), figures from Cabins B and E at the Cypress Hills site
have been included as an example of the hi vernant pattern focussed solely
on the hunt for subsistence. The results from the analysis of the
Batoche and Fisher houses at Batoche have been included as an example of
the more Europeani zed , entrepreneurial Metis (for a discussion of these
cabin and house localities, see Kooyman 1981:75-79). There are a number
of differences between the Batoche and Cypress Hills patterns. These are
summarized in Table 4 (page 356), along with how these differences are
reflected in the Buffalo Lake remains. Once again, the Buffalo Lake
cabin groups each contain a mixture of both patterns. The Cabin 1 to 4
group is seen as more similar to the Batoche remains and Cabins 5 and 6
as more similar to the Cypress Hills remains.
One last aspect of relative element representation is worthy of
examination concerning the ethnicity of the occupants of the various
Buffalo Lake cabins. The standardized MNI values in Table 2 (page 354)
allow one to define the major portion(s) of the animal carcass used in
each cabin or cabin group; these probably representing butchering units
of some type. These are as follows:
- 345 -
Cabins 1 to 4
(a) ribs (100), thoracic vertebrae (100), lumbar
vertebrae (75), and scapula (100).
(b) pelvis (50), femur (75), and tibia (75).
(c) skull (50).
Cabin 5
(a) scapula (100) and humerus (60).
(b) tibia (80).
Cabin 6
(a) radius (100) and humerus (50).
Cypress Hills
(a) ulna (100) and radius (60).
(b) tibia (70).
Batoche
(a) pelvis (80) and femur (80).
(b) lumbar vertebrae (60).
(c) skull (60).
It has been suggested previously that a high representation of the
skull is due to transportation and proximity to kill factors (Kooyman
1981:82), but the importance of the buffalo robe trade suggests that the
skull may have also been brought to the site so that the brain could be
extracted for use in hide tanning. In either case, the skull frequency
has no bearing on the question of ethnicity. The high incidence of
lumbar vertebrae, pelvis, and femur seen at Batoche, representative of
more Europeani zed Metis occupation, is clearly evident in the Buffalo
Lake Cabins 1 to 4 grouping. An interesting aspect of this pattern is
that it is only Cabin 3 that contains all three of these elements (see
Table 1, page 351). It may be that it is Cabin 3 specifically that
represents a more Europeanized Metis occupation.
A distinctive facet of the Cypress Hills pattern, representative of
the hunt-oriented hi vernant Metis, is a high incidence of the less meaty,
middle leg portions (radius and ulna of the front leg, tibia of the
rear). Presumably this is due to their value as marrow bones. The three
Buffalo Lake cabin groupings demonstrate this pattern, in contrast to the
Batoche material, suggesting that the inhabitants of the Buffalo Lake
site were not members of the most Europeanized segment of Metis society.
As has already been noted one of the preferred European meat cuts,
based on documentary evidence, was the shoulder, consisting of the
humerus and anterior ribs. Although the difference is not great, there
is an increased incidence of the humerus at Batoche relative to the
Cypress Hills site (see Table 2, page 354), and it may be inferrred that
Cabins 5 and 6 at Buffalo Lake also demonstrate this pattern. Of
particular interest in this regard is that the Carriere complex at
Batoche - not included in the Table 2 figures, but believed to be
occupied by lower status hired employees of Batoche (Kooyman 1981:76-77;
- 346 -
Payment 1977:39) - has an even higher incidence of the humerus in its
remains (standardized MNI of 66 — Kooyman, unpublished data). The
shoulder was not the most highly valued cut in European terms (at least
the short loin, tenderloin, and sirloin were more highly valued), hence a
high incidence of the humerus may be indicative of a more middle eschelon
status within Metis society. Here it is also worthy of note that within
the Cabin 1 to 4 groupings at Buffalo Lake, Cabin 3 was the only cabin to
have humerus remains in it. Once again, then, it is possible that Cabin
3 should be included with Cabins 5 and 6 in a grouping somewhat removed
in status from the hi vernant-1 ike pattern evidenced by Cabins 1, 2, and 4.
The high incidence of the scapula in Cabins 1 to 5 is a pattern
unique to these cabins at Buffalo Lake. The remains are particularly
frequent (in terms of number of fragments) in Cabins 3 and 5. In Cabins
3 and 5 this high incidence may be due in part to the scapula
accompanying the humerus in a butchering unit, although this cannot be
the sole explanation. Similarly, a butchering unit consisting of the
scapula, ribs, and thoracic vertebrae might particularly explain its
frequency in Cabins 1 to 4. A fuller explanation must await further work.
In summary, the element representation data indicate that Cabins 1,
2, and 4 resulted from occupation by lower status, possibly
hunt-oriented, hi vernant t Metis. The other three cabins were probably
occupied by Metis from more of a middle eschelon of Metis society,
although the evidence from Cabin 6 is not as good as for Cabins 3 and 5.
It is unlikely that any of the cabins were occupied by Metis merchants
that had been highly influenced by European values.
BUTCHERING PATTERNS, ETHNICITY, AND STATUS
Cut-mark location and bone fragmentation patterns have been shown
to be good indicators of status and ethnicity (eg. Kooyman 1981, Otto
1975, Schulz 1979). As well as specific butchering practices in carcass
segmentation and processing of the individual bones, in the present
context this would include the use of saws and individual-sized cuts of
meat as an indication of European ethnicity and higher status, the
longitudinal splitting of the vertebral column as an indication of
European ethnicity, and the presence of marrow extraction as an
indication of Indian or Metis ethnicity (Kooyman 1981: 17-19, 31-53).
None of the Buffalo Lake cabins contained any sawn bone, individual
cuts of meat, or longitudinally split vertebrae, and hence it is probable
that they were not occupied by Europeans. The absence of sawn bone and
evidence of individual meat cuts also suggests that the occupants of
these cabins were not of high social status within Metis society, in
contrast to those who occupied the Batoche and Fisher houses at Batoche
(Kooyman 1981: 199-200). Bone fragments having long spiral fracture
breaks indicative of marrow extraction were rare in the Buffalo Lake
remains. Only four elements had a frequency of 35% or more long spiral
fractures and hence might be postulated as having been split to extract
marrow (Kooyman 1981:217): Cabin 4, radius (100%) and femur (100%); Cabin
5, mandible (33%) and tibia (60%); Cabin 6, mandible (100%) and tibia
(33%). The Cabin 4 frequencies are each based on a single fragment, the
- 347 -
Cabin 5 mandible frequency on three fragments, and the Cabin 6 remains on
only one (mandible) and three (tibia) fragments. These long spiral
fracture incidences cannot be viewed as reliable. The tibia remains from
Cabin 5 consisted of ten fragments, however, and can be reliably
postulated as being evidence of marrow extraction. This is further
evidence that the occupants of Cabin 5 were either Indian or Metis and
that those in Cabins 1, 2, 3, 4 and 6 were almost certainly not Indian.
The rarity of marrow extraction in the Cabin 5 remains also argues
against the possibility of its occupants being Indian, while its presence
may show the occupants were not high-status Metis (Kooyman 1981: 199-200).
It is beyond the scope of this analysis to discuss all the details
of the butchering patterns for the Buffalo Lake cabins, but data on this
scale for Cabins 1 to 3 can be found in Kooyman (1981:110-190). Instead,
I will enumerate some of the major patterns observed and discuss how
these might be relevant to questions of ethnicity. The archaeological
basis for defining ethnicity relies largely on the Fort Walsh report
(Cumbaa 1978) for a Euro-Canadian pattern and the Stott (Hamilton et al.
1980) and Hartell Creek (Murray et al. 1976) sites for an Indian pattern.
All the skull fragments appeared to have resulted from
post-deposi tional breakage and hence no cultural inferences can be made
concerning the butchering of the skull. The only point of interest
concerning the mandible remains is the possibility that marrow was
extracted from the horzontal ramus in Cabins 5 and 6, but as already
mentioned this is based on too few fragments to be reliable. If this
were the case, it would indicate that the occupants of these two cabins
were not European. Since no cervical vertebrae were recovered, nothing
can be said about butchering in this region of the animal.
The major aspect to butchering for the thoracic vertebrae was the
removal of the spinous processes to remove the hump meat. Seventy-four
percent of the thoracic vertebrae fragments from the six cabins were
solely spine fragments. Indicative of this is that although a large
number of cut marks were preserved on thoracic vertebrae fragments, only
one cut mark was not located on the spinous process (for Cabins 4 to 6,
done separately from the 1981 analysis of Cabins 1 to 3, no cut mark data
was recorded for axial fragments. However, all thoracic vertebrae
fragments recovered from Cabins 4 to 6 were spinous process fragments).
The removal of the spinous process is a common pattern at Metis and
Indian sites, but is in marked contrast to European sites and to an
extent of Batoche (Kooyman 1981:100, 108-109, 116-122, 191-192). At the
Northwest Mounted Police post of Fort Walsh, for example, only
one-quarter to one-third of the thoracic vertebrae remains had had the
spinous process damaged (Cumbaa 1978)
In butchering the lumbar vertebrae, the residents of Buffalo Lake
clearly valued the meat of the transverse processes highly, as only
Cabins 1 and 4 lacked such fragments (Cabin 1 had no lumbar vertebrae
fragments at all). This focus appears to be common in all Metis sites
(Kooyman 1981:122-123) but is not a feature of Euro-Canadian sites
(1981:192). Although Indian sites do show removal of the transverse
process, the substantial further fragmentation of the process evident in
the remains from Cabins 2, 3, 5, and 6 illustrates a butchering pattern
- 348 -
that appears to be unique to the Metis (Kooyman 1981: 192). This is
further evidence that the occupants of these four cabins were Metis.
Only three sacrum fragments were recovered at Buffalo Lake, one in
Cabin 5 and two in Cabin 3. These fragments all evidenced removal of the
transverse process, a procedure common to Metis and Indian butchering
procedures (probably resulting from meat removal) but absent in
Euro-Canadian butchering (Kooyman 1981:128, 130, 192).
A common aspect of rib processing in all six cabins was the
segmentation of the rib shaft into a number of small- to moderate-sized
fragments, a pattern common to Metis and Indian sites but apparently not
Euro-Canadian sites (Kooyman 1981:130-136, 192). The most common means
of removing the ribs from the thoracic vertebrae was by severing the bone
just distal to the articulations with the thoracics, a pattern seen in
the remains from all six cabins but one apparently uncommon in
Euro-Canadian sites (1981:192). In addition, Cabin 3 showed evidence for
occasional removal through the articulations, once again a pattern not
common in European sites.
In contrast to the more common pattern of severance through the
glenoid fossa of the scapula in removing the front leg in Metis
butchering (Kooyman 1981:147-153), four of the six Cabin 5 scapula
fragments that had portions of the fossa had the fossa intact. Although
such a procedure is not unique to European butchering, it is the only
procedure generally employed in European butchering and may lend some
support to the contention that the residents of Cabin 5 were not
hunt-oriented hi vernant Metis. The processing of the scapula at Buffalo
Lake varied considerably, but the large segments consisting of
one-quarter to one-third of the element which typify European butchering
(Kooyman 1981: 193) were not present.
Humerus remains were present only in Cabins 3, 5, and 6, but the
Cabin 3 remains show the severance through the proximal end that is
apparently common in Metis butchering but absent in Euro-Canadian
(Kooyman 1981:158, 193). As with the scapula, this probably relates to
removing the front leg from the carcass. Material from both the Cypress
Hills and Batoche sites showed extensive fragmentation of the distal end
of the humerus (1981:154-158), yet all distal end fragments from Cabin 6
(two of the three humerus fragments present) were complete. This may be
viewed as indicative of some European influence in Cabin 6, particularly
since five of the six distal ends present in the Cabin 5 remains are
fragmentary.
The radius, carpal, and phalanx remains do not show any patterns
useful for ethnic identification, and there are too few ulna and
metacarpal remains to make any meaningful statements.
The Metis pattern of butchering the pelvis has a unique ethnic
feature, this being the considerable subdivision of the ilium shaft
between the hip joint (acetabulum) and the sacrum articulation (Kooyman
1981:193). Only Cabin 3 at Buffalo Lake showed this pattern, but this
clearly defines its occupation as Metis.
There are too few femur and patella fragments to provide any useful
data on ethnicity.
- 349 -
Aside from the evidence for marrow extraction previously discussed,
the tibia remains offer little information about ethnicity. A single
example of a small proximal end fragment from Cabin 3 appears to be a
butchering unit that has no counterpart in Euro-Canadian sites (Kooyman
1981 : 184-1 85, 194).
No metatarsal remains were recovered at Buffalo Lake, this absence
being reasonable evidence that the cabins were not occupied by Indians.
The tarsal remains provide no insight on ethnicity.
The butchering pattern data provide considerable evidence that the
residents of the six Buffalo Lake cabins here considered were not
Europeans. The rarity of marrow extraction and the absence of metatarsal
remains (and virtual absence of metacarpal remains) are reasonable
grounds for rejecting suggestions of Indian ethnicity. Since the
evidence for marrow extraction was good for the hunt-oriented hi vernant
occupation at the Cypress Hills site (Kooyman 1981:86), its virtual
absence in all cabin remains suggests that none of the cabins were
occupied by hunt-oriented hi vernant Metis.
Based on lumbar vertebrae and pelvis remains, Cabins 2, 3, 5, and 6
were specifically identified as having Metis occupations. The absence of
sawn bone and individual-sized cuts of meat was seen as an indication
that the residents of the six cabins were not high status Metis. This
was also suggested for Cabin 5, based on the presence of some marrow
extraction. The general completeness of the humerus distal ends in the
Cabin 6 remains was seen as confirming that its occupation probably was
not the result of hunt-oriented hi vernant Metis.
CONCLUSIONS
The fauna! remains show that the six Buffalo Lake cabins considered
in the analysis were occupied by people of Metis ethnicity. The
residents of Cabins 1, 2, and 4 were lower status, but not hunt-oriented
hi vernant Metis. The other cabins were occupied by people from the
middle class of Metis society.
- 350 -
REFERENCES CITED
Binford, Lewis R.
1978 Nunamiut Ethnoarchaeology . Academic Press, New York.
Cumbaa, Stephen L .
1978 Fort Walsh: A Study of Late 19th Century Mounted Police Diet.
Parks Canada, National Historic Parks and Sites Branch, Manuscript
Report No. 286, Ottawa.
Hamilton, Scott, William Ferris, Sharon Hallgrimson, Gary McNeely,
Katherine Sammons, Eric Simonds, and Keith Toplinka
1980. 1979 Excavations at the Stott Site (D1Ma-1): with
Interpretations of Cultural Stratigraphy. Brandon Area
Archaeological Research Project, Brandon University, Brandon.
Kooyman, Brian P.
1981 Metis Faunal Remains and Variables in Archaeological Butchering
Pattern Analysis. Unpublished M. A. Thesis, Department of
Archaeology, The University of Calgary, Calgary.
Murray, E. M. , T. Smith, and B. 0. K. Reeves
1976 Archaeological Salvage Investigations Alberta Highways and
Iransportation Construction Projects Hwy 1, Hartell Creek Site. Ms.
on file, Archaeological Survey of Alberta, Edmonton.
Otto, John Solomon
1975 Status Differences and the Archaeological Record — A Comparison
of Planter, Overseer, and Slave Sites from Cannon's Point Plantation
(1894-1861) St. Simmon's Island. Georgia. PhD. Dissertation,
Department of Anthropology, University of Florida. University
Microfilms, Ann Arbor.
Payment, Diane
197 7 Structural and Settlement History of Batoche Village. Parks
Canada, National Historic Parks and Sites Branch, Manuscript Report
No. 248, Ottawa.
Schulz, Peter D.
1979 Historic Faunal Remains from Panamint City: Notes of Diet and
Status in a California Boom Town. Pacific Coast Archaeological
Quarterly 15(4):55-63.
Sprenger, G. Herman
1972 An Analysis of Selective Aspects of Metis Society, 1810-1870.
Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of
Manitoba, Winnipeg
- 351
TABLE 1
FAUNAL REMAINS, BUFFALO LAKE METIS SITE
Element Cabin 1 Cabin 2 Cabin 3
Skull
0*
_
_
0
0
._
0
3
1
1
100
Mandible
0
_
._
0
0
.._
0
1
1
1
100
Vertebrae:
Cervical
0
0
0
0
0
0
Thoracic
1
1
1
100
7
3
1
100
22
6
1
100
Lumbar
0
0
2
1
1
100
11
2
1
100
Sacrum
0
-
-
0
0
0
2
1
1
100
Caudal
0
0
2
1
1
100
0
0
General
1
_
-
1
8
_
...
Sternebrae
0
o
o
0
1
1
]
1 00
Rib
1 3
2
1
1 00
9
2
1 00
1 \J\J
1 OR
j
1 00
Sranul a
0
c
i
i
1
i on
9
c
1
i
l
i
C D
i
i
1 00
Humerus
0
-
-
0
0
-
0
2
1
1
100
Radius
0
_
_
0
0
0
0
_
—
0
Ulna
0
_
-
0
1
1
1
100
3
1
1
100
Carpals :
Magnum
0
0
0
-
0
0
0
Cuniform
0
_
:
0
0
_
0
0
_
_
0
Scaphoid
0
-
-
0
1
1
1
100
0
-
-
0
LUIId It?
u
n
u
u
u
U
u
U n c i f o rm
Ull V 1 1 VI III
o
n
\j
n
\j
n
u
n
o
Pisiform
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
100
Metacarpal
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
100
First Phalanges
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
100
Second Phalanges
0
0
0
0
2
2
1
100
Third Phalanges
0
0
0
0
0
0
Proximal
Sesamoids
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
100
* See text page 341 for headings (identification) of columns.
- 352 -
Element Cabin 1 Cabin 2 Cabin 3
Distal Sesamoids 0 - - 0 0 0 0 - - 0
Pelvis 1 1 1 100 0 - 0 8 1 1 100
Femur 0 - - 0 1 1 1 100 1 1 1 100
Patella 0 - - 0 0 - 0 0 - - 0
Tibia 1 1 1 100 3 1 1 100 5 2 1 100
larsal s :
Astragalus 0 - - 0 0 - 0 1 1 1 100
Calcaneum 0 - - 0 0 - 0 0 - - 0
Navicular
Cuboid 0 - - 0 0 - 0 1 1 1 100
First Tarsal 0 - - 0 0 - 0 0 - - 0
Lateral
Malleolus 0 - - 0 0 - 0 1 1 1 100
Cuniform Pes 0 - - 0 0 - - 0 0 - - 0
Metatarsal 0 - - 0 0 - 0 0 - - 0
Metapodial 0 - - - 0 ■ 1
Long Bone 2 7 - 12 - -
Unidentified 24 - 626 - 2824 - -
TOTAL 45 (1) 662 (1) 3045 (1)
TABLE 1, CONTINUED
Element Cabin 4 Cabin 5 Cabin 6
Skull
7
1
1
100
7
1
1
20
1
1
1
25
Mandible
0
0
3
2
1
20
1
1
25
Vertebrae:
Cervical
0
0
0
0
0
0
Thoracic
15
5
1
100
5
1
1
20
4
1
i
25
Lumbar
2
2
1
100
3
2
1
20
1
1
i
25
Sacrum
0
0
1
1
1
20
0
0
Caudal
0
0
0
0
0
0
General
3
2
0
Sternebrae
0
0
0
0
0
0
Element
- 353 -
Cabin 4 Cabin 5
Cabin 6
Rib
81
14
1
100
26
7
1
20
25
3
1
25
Scapula
2
2
1
100
15
6
5
100
5
2
1
25
nulllc rub
n
u
n
u
i i
c
J
o
o
DU
o
O
9
C
c
DU
Rad 1 US
i
i
i
i
i
i nn
u
u
Q
O
c
D
A
H
1 uu
111 na
u i na
u
n
u
u
u
1
1
1
1
9 K
Carpal s :
Magnum
0
_
_
0
0
_ '
_
0
0
_
_
0
Cuniform
0
0
0
0
1
l
1
25
Scaphoid
0
_
_
0
1
1
1
20
0
0
Lunate
0
—
—
0
0
0
0
—
0
Unciform
0
0
0
_
0
0
0
Pisiform
0
0
0
0
0
—
0
Metacarpal
0
-
-
0
0
~
-
0
0
-
-
0
First Phalanges
0
-
_
0
4
3
1
20
0
_
._
0
Second Phalanges
0
_
_
0
1
1
1
20
0
0
Third Phalanges
0
_
_
0
0
.
0
0
0
Proximal
Sesamoids
0
0
1
1
1
20
0
■-
-
0
Distal Sesamoids
0
—
0
0
-
-
0
0
-
0
Pelvis
0
-
-
0
2
1
1
20
2
1
1
25
r ClliU l
1
1
i
i
i
i nn
1 uu
i
I
1
1
on
n
U
u
ra xe i i a
1
1
i
\
1 UU
2
2
2
40
0
0
i i d i a
u
u
10
5
4
80
3
1
1
25
T
i a rsa 1 s t
A^1" rana 1
n
n
u
u
u
u
u
Calcaneum
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
25
Navicular
Cuboid
0
0
0
0
0
0
First Tarsal
0
0
0
0
0
0
Lateral
Malleolus
0
0
0
0
0
0
Cuniform Pes
0
0
0
0
0
0
- 354 -
Element
Cabin 4
Cabin 5
Cabin 6
Metatarsal
0 - -
0
0
- 0
0
- - 0
we lapoa i a i
u
u
0 -
- 0
n
u
u
Long Bone
9 - -
12 -
16
Unidentified
451 - -
399 -
-
131
TOTAL
573 (1)
506
(5)
203
(4)
TABLE
2
STANDARDIZED MNI
VALUES
AND MEAT VALUES
FOR
BUFFALO LAKE. CYPRESS
HILLS.
AND BAT0CHE
Buffalo
Lake
Cypress
Meat Value
Element
Cabins 1 -4@ Cabin 5 Cabin 6
Hills@
Batoche@ (see note)
^kiil 1
OK U 1 1
50
20
25
30
60
18
Ma nH i h 1 d
25
20
25
40
20
31
Vertebrae:
Cervical
0
0
0
20
20
37
Thoracic
100
20
25
30
40
47*
Lumbar
75
20
25
20
60
33
Sacrum
25
20
0
10
40
49
Caudal
25
0
0
10
0
Ribs
100
20
25
20
40
51
Scapula
100
100
25
40
40
45
Humerus
25
60
50
30
40
29*
Rari i ii^
i\ a vj i u j
25
0
100
60
20
15
Ulna
U 1 1 1 Q
50
0
25
100
40
15
La r jJa 1 b .
Ma nn 1 1 m
nay n uni
0
0
0
10
0
Cuniform
0
0
25
30
40
Scaphoid
25
20
0
30
20
Lunate
0
0
0
20
20
Unciform
0
0
0
10
20
Pisiform
25
0
0
10
0
- 355 -
Buffalo Lake Cypress Meat Value
Element Cabins 1-4 Cabin 5 Cabin 6 Hills Batoche (see note)
Metacarpal
25
0
0
10
20
5
First Phalanges
25
20
0
10
20
2
Second Phalanges
25
20
0
10
20
2
Third Phalanges
0
0
0
10
20
2
Pelvis
50
20
25
20
80
49
Fpimi r
i emu i
75
20
0
40
80
100
ru LC 1 10
C J
40
0
40
o
i i u id
7S
80
C J
70
20
26
l d i bo I j o
Astragalus
25
0
0
30
20
Calcaneum
0
0
25
40
20
Navicular
U UUU 1 u
?S
C J
n
u
SO
n
w
First Tarsal
0
0
0
10
0
Lateral
Ma 1 1 ort 1 1 1 c
nd I 1 cU 1 Ub
c □
n
u
n
so
?0
Cuniform Pes
0
0
0
20
0
Metatarsal
0
0
0
40
20
1 1
TOTAL MNI
4
5
4
10
5
Note: Meat value
taken
from Binford
(1978:21)
* Probably underestimates Bison value.
@ Values derived by adding together the MNI values from each cabin or
house at the site.
- 356 -
TABLE 3
ETHNICITY OF BUFFALO LAKE REMAINS
BASED ON STANDARDIZED MNI VALUES
Cabins 1 to
4 Cabin 5
LdU 1 n 0
turopean cxnnicity
h i ah dp 1 vi
?
-
high sacrum
-
II I y II I uiiiua r
*
high humerus
*
*
net is/inaian
ii i y ii iiiaiiu id ic
—
Ethnicity
high thoracic
*
-
high rib
*
high radius and
ulna
*
*
h i ah tibia
*
*
high metacarpal
*
-
high metatarsal
* Trait present
i niyil relative LO
other proveniences.
but not
relative to meat
va 1 ue .
TABLE
4
COMPARISON BETWEEN
BUFFALO
LAKE.
BAT0CHE, AND CYPRESS HILLS
SITES
Buffalo Lake Cabins
*
Batoche/Cypress Hills Difference 1
to 4
5
6
Skull: B = 60, C = 30
B
C
C
Mandible: B = 20, C
= 40
B
B
B
Lumbar: B = 60, C =
20
B
C
r
Sacrum: B = 40, C =
10
C
C
Sternum: B = 0, C =
20
C
B
B
Rib: B = 40, C = 20
B
C
C
Radius: B = 40, C =
100
B
B
C
- 357 -
Buffalo Lake Cabins*
Batoche/Cypress Hills Difference 1 to 4 5 6
Ulna: B = 20, C = 60 B B B
Pelvis: B = 80, C - 20 - C C
Femur: B = 80, C = 40 B C C
Tibia: B = 20, C = 70 C C B
Metatarsal: B = 20, C = 40 B B B
B = as Batoche; C = as Cypress Hills; — = Uncertain.
- 358 -
- 359 -
APPENDIX III, ARTIFACT AND FAUNAL TABLES
- 360 -
- 361 -
TABLE
6
FLAT-HEAD
CUT NAILS.
CABIN 3,
GROUP 1
Cat. Number
L
W
Th
Feature No.
Complete Incomplete
H75.101 .525
38.63
4.68
3.25
2
X
528
38.68
3.90
2.65
2
X
374
33.81
3.74
2.86
2
X
139
50.46+
4.40
3.97
2
x Clinched -
1432
49.18
3.93
3.63
2
X
1433
31 .15
3.28
3.18
2
X
?71
32.59
3.85
2.83
1
X
70
28.69
3.33
2.87
1
X
892
29.31
4.36
3.23
2
X
H76.89.236
28.49
4.85
3.58
2
X
142
10.68
4.82
3.80
2
X
9
10.75
2.57
2.35
2
X
75
20.58
4.15
3.75
2
X
H75.101 .12
29.31
4.07
3.43
3
X
L= N =
7
W=
N =
7
T= N = 7
Max
= 50.46
Max
= 4.
68
Max = 3.97
Min
= 31 .15
Min
= 3.
28
Min = 2.35
R =
19.31
R =
1 .
,40
R = 1.32
x =
39.21
x =
3.
,96
x = 3.24
q =
7.21
q =
,42
q = .43
- 362 -
TABLE 7
FLAT-HEAD CUT NAILS. CABIN 3. GROUP 2
Cat. Number
L
W
Th
Feature No.
Complete
Incomplete
H75.101 .151
64.11
5.18
3.65
1
X
146
33.88
3.83
2.44
Test Tr. B
X
—
373
32.70
3.27
2.04
2
X
520
25.38
2.23
2.19
2
X
-
536
25.97
3.13
2.56
2
X
372
50.52
4.66
3.22
2
X
—
79
64.12
5.19
3.67
1
X
378
48.01
3.91
3.76
2
X
530
46.69
3.86
3.56
2
X
531
49.75
3.90
3.48
s
X
—
271
33.15
4.07
2.32
2
X
—
32
39.33
3.46
3.41
2
X
—
331B
26.48
3.71
2.85
2
X
—
3??
41 .51
4.12
3.40
2
X
—
H76.89.50
39.89
4.21
3.46
2
X
-
74
26.70
3.38
2.62
2
X
49
54.40
4.44
4.08
2
X
24
25.88
3.44
3.22
2
X
51
26.15
2.74
1 .88
2
X
H75.101 .317
23.16
2.69
2.15
2
X
52
39.71
4.21
3.99
1
X
Cat. Number L W
- 363 -
Th Feature No. Complete Incomplete
519
58.
,69
7.66
5.
27
2
-
X
312
54.
,16
6.85
4.
,18
2
—
X
60
52.
,87
5.88
3.
,60
1
—
X
440
39.
74
3.96
3.
,41
2
X
524
29.
,58
6.41
4.
,00
2
-
X
307
20.
,33
5.91
3.
,95
2
-
X
522
36.
,10
4.21
3.
,76
2
X
537
18.
,06
4.26
1 .
,79
2
—
X
110
40.
.29
3.66
3.
.64
1
X
923
33.
.40
3.76
3.
.70
2
X
438
19.
,41
3.86
3.
,26
2
—
X
375
26,
,02
3.89
3.
,78
2
-
X
534
27.
.25
4.02
3,
,13
2
X
532
21 ,
.96
2.89
2.
.54
2
-
X
143
13,
.24
4.66
3,
,04
2
X
156
33.
.92
6.22
4.
,26
2
X
178
36
.08
3.56
3,
.39
2
X
331A
23
.09
7.00
2
X
- 364 -
TABLE 8
Cat. Number
FLAP
-HEAD CUT
NAILS.
CABIN
3,
GROUP 3
Incomplete
L
W
Th Feature
No
. Complete
H75.101 .441
33.51
3.71
2.76
2
X
H76.89.114
31 .42
3.60
3.54
2
X
_
235
32.70
3.86
2.38
2
X
_
H75.101 .516
25.25
3.64
2.76
2
_
X
535
29.56
3.74
2.19
2
_
X
377
27.41
3.64
2.65
2
_
X
H75.101 .521
25.26
3.91
2.80
2
_
X
533
29.13
3.04
2.93
2
_
X
529
21 .91
4.75
2.81
2
_
X
437
21 .12
3.39
c
_
X
H76.89.104
28.98
3.92
3.05
2
_
X
1 o 1
O 1 . 3 O
o . 1 o
3.06
2
X
177
25.38
3.53
3.52
2
X
250
38.31
3.43
3.21
2
X
144
17.63
4.17
1 .89
2
X
H75.101 .371
30.48
4.23
2.03
2
X
- 365 -
TABLE 9
MACHINE-CUT NAIL SHANKS, CABIN 3
Cat.
Number
L
W
Th
Feature
H75.
101 .538
31 .24
4.27
3.34
2
526
27.17
4.45
3.03
2
48
45.05
4.05
2.98
1
442
46.96
4.48
4.20
2
129
23.75
4.59
3.32
1
138
56.38
4.80
4.54
2
54
20.45
2.53
1 .83
1
331C
31,50
4.80
4.16
2
No. Complete Incomplete
- 366 -
TABLE 10
DRAWN TUBULAR BEAD ANALYSIS. CABIN 3
Colour
0
Seed
TL
TP
Intermediate
0 TL TP
0
Pony
TL
Totals
TP 0 TL
TP
Sum
Colourless
15
15
15
N 9.0/
51
5
7
63
63
N 1 .0/
1
1
1
2.5RP 6/6
2
5
5
2
10
12
2.5RP 6/8
1
1
1
5RP 6/2
2
2
2
5RP 7/4
4
16
20 1
24
17
41
10RP 7/6
8
4
2
6
14
4
2
20
2.5R 7/6
1
2
1
2
3
2.5R 5/8
1
1
1
5R 4/6
1
1
1
5R 5/12
2
2
7.5R 8/2
1
i
1
7.5R 4/4
1
1
1
7.5R 8/4
2
1
2
1
7.5R 3/8
774
1
774
1
775
7.5R 4/10
1
1
7.5R 6/10
1
1
7.5R 4/12
1
1
0 = Opaque TL = Translucent TP = Transparent Numerical counts
are of each color by bead type.
367
Colour
Seed Intermediate Pony Totals
0 TL TP 0 TL TP 0 TL TP 0 TL TP
Sum
7.5R 5/14
10YR 4/6
10YR 5/6
10YR 6/6
10YR 6/10
2.5Y 7/4
2.5Y 7/8
17
1
1
12 414
1
1
12 414
1200
18 18
1
1200
1
426
2
4
1203
5Y 7/8
5Y 8/10
10Y 3/2
5GY
7.5GY 5/6
10GY 6/8
2.5G 6/4
2.5G 7/10
5G 6/4
10G 4/6
10G 4/10
2.5BG 3/8
7.5B 9/2
7.5B 8/4
7.5B 7/4
7.5B 5/6
1
5/4 2
2
11
11 1
52 1
30 1
1 2
3
3 6
TL/O
4* 3
195 3
80
55
2
4
30 1
11
11 1
1 5
4 4
1
6
3
6 6
13
4
32
3
4
9
11
12
TL/O
4* 60
275 3
280
* Four seed beads possessed TL cores and opaque outer walls.
- 368 -
Colour
0
Seed
TL
TP
Intermediate
0 TL TP
Pony Totals
0 TL TP 0 TL
TP
Sum
7.5B 6/6
2
2
2
7.5B 7/6
12
1
18 30
1
31
7.5B 5/8
4
6
1
4
6
1
11
7.5B 6/8
2
3
2
3
5
7.5B 6/10
1
1
1
10B 8/6
2
2
2
10B 4/8
13
13
13
7.5PB 2/6
1
1
1
7.5PB 2/10
1
4
1
1
5
6
7.5PB 4/10
1 1
1
7.5PB 3/12
1
1
1
10PB 3/10
5
1
6
6
2.5P 5/4
1
1
1
Ext.5R 7/4
Core N9.0/
25
25
25
Cornal ine
a m i eppo
43
14
57
57
Striped
Blue/White
5PB 4/8 and
5PB 9/1
2
2
2
TOTALS
1071 2012 131 3218
- 369 -
TABLE 11
ARTIFACTS FROM CABIN 1
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C16 CI W FP AC CI E
HUNTING
Rimfire Car- H70.109.113 23.4 13.6 — Surface 1
tridge Case (Trail near Cabin)
Percussion
Cap
H71 .
107
.13
6.3
5.3
5.0
5.5S,26.2E
Cap Box Lid
H70.
.109
.60
40.7
Diam
5.9
Rim
0.
.6
5.2SJ1.2E
1
CONSTRUCTION
BLACKSMITHING
•
r u r «-jcu 1 1 uii
Nails
Rose-Head
Forged Nail
H70.
.109
.14
47.9
9.6
4.2
8.4
3.
3.
.9
,9
5S.5E.E1/2
1
H70.
,109
.21
43.9
8.8
4.0
7.5
3,
3.
.9
.1
10S.5E,
E 1/2
1
ii
H71 .
.107
.30
62.1
5.1
3.7
4.7
3.
1 .
.2
.6
4.7S,0.7E
1
H71 ,
.107
.8
60.5
6.6
4.1
5.6
3.
2.
.9
.0
10SJ0E,
NW 1/4
1
Fragment
H71 ,
.107
.2
48. 3x
9.0
4.4
7.3
4,
2
.3
.0
10. 6S,
10. 8E
1
H70
.109
.76
22. 6x
9.4
4.4
8.6
3.
3,
.5
.1
10S,9.8E
1
Gable-Head
Forged Nail
H71
.107
.9
70.0
6.8
4.3
3.6
3,
1 ,
.8
.8
10SJ0E,
SW 1/4
1
L or T-Head
Forged Nail
H71
.107
.53
59.2
9.4
4.9
5.7
4,
2
.5
.6
5S,15E,
Dist.
Flat-Head
Forged Nail
H71
.107
.36
18.1
7.9
2.5
7.2
2
1 .
.0
.2
5S,15E,
S 1/2
- 370 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C1G C1W FP AC C1E
Flat-Head
Forged Nail
No Number
26.7
5.2
2.5
4.4
1 .9
0.8
1
Forged Nail
Fragment
H71 .107.55
57. Ox
5.3
5.2
5.2S.5.8E
1
H70.109.15
52. 9x
4.4
4.1
1 .7S.5.0E
1
ii
H70. 109.88
44. 6x
4.1
4.0
70SJ4.2E
Dist.
1
H
H71 .107.18
30. 7x
4.9
3.7
11 .OS,
15. 6E
1
H
H71 .107.39
60. 6x
4.8
4.8
4.0S,5.3E
1
ii
H71 .107.15
24. Ox
6.4
4.6
5.2S,5.0E
1
Forged or
Cut Iron
Nail
H70. 109.89
18.9
7.1
2.8
6.6
2.8
1 .8
7.3SJ4.4E
1
ii
H71 .107.29
13. 3x
4.6
2.5
3.7
2.4
0.6
4.6S.4.8E
1
ii
H71 .107.17
9. Ox
7.9
2.5
7.1
2.2
1.5
11 .OS,
15. 6E
1
Machine Cut
Iron Nails
Rose-Head
Cut Nail
H70.109.94
37.6
6.0
3.4
5.7
3.2
2.1
8.4S.13.4E
1
ii
H71 .107.32
40. 8x
6.4
3.8
6.4
2.9
2.9
4.9S,5.7E
1
Gable-Head
Cut Nail
H70.109.40
63. 9x
9.9
5.5
6.3
5.3
3.2
12. 6S,
11 .5E
1
ii
H70.109.71
48. 8x
6 7
4.0
4 Q
3.6
c . c
10. 9S,
Q RF
1
H
H71 .107.6
68.7
7.4
4.3
4.5
3.7
1 .9
0N,5E
1
H
H71 .107.54
66.5
6.5
4.2
5.2
3.2
2.3
5.0S,5.4E
1
- 371 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C16 CI W FP AC CI E
Gab I e-Head
lit n
H /U
. 12
D /
c
. 0
4 . o
6 . /
i i nc o nr
i 1 . Uo , o . Ut
I
Cut Nail
7,
.6
5.7
3.7
LIT f\
H /U
i no
. CO \
/I n
4U .
. 2
c o
D . O
D . U
Balk along
1
9
. 9
t o
0 . 9
o c
J . 0
Last Wa 1 1
i nc cc
1 Uo , DL
H70.
.109
.12
26,
.Ox
4.8
3.6
ON, 0E, El/2,
1
8.
,3
4.2
4.2
0N,5E,Wl/2
Flat-Head
H70.
.109
.49
65,
.0
4.6
4.2
12. 5S,
1
Cut Nail,
7.
,7
4.6
2.8
10. 7E
C ^ a 1 1 n 1
uroup 1
II
H70.
.109
.90
49,
.9
3.6
3.4
11 .0S.9.9E
7,
.6
7.3
1 .3
II
H71 .
,107
.3
40,
.2
3.2
3.1
13. 6S,
1
6.
.7
6.5
1 .4
11 .0E
II
H71 .
107
.58
31 ,
.4
3.3
3.0
5.5S,4.5E
1
6.
.3
5.4
1.2
II
H71 .
,107
.40
31 .
,1
3.2
2.7
12. 6S,
1
5.
,7
5.5
1.2
11 .5E
II
H71 .
107
.34
31 ,
,4
2.9
2.9
4.7S.5.4E
1
5.
2
4.2
1.3
II
H70.
109
.67
31 .
.5
3.4
3.2
12.4S,8.8E
1
6.
.8
5.5
1.1
II
H70.
109
.59
26.
,6
2.1
1 .8
12. 8S, 1
3.
,4
2.8
0.5
12. 8E
II
n / 1 .
1 U /
. o 1
on
.8
2 . 5
2.4
1 0. 5S,
1
6.
,0
5.1
1 .0
10. IE
r r ayiiici! u
H70,
n / u .
1 HQ
. oy
oD .
0 v
, CA
A 1
O. A
i nc c r
1
/ .
"1
, /
D . 1
o n
o . U
Nt 1/4
Flat-Head
H70.
,109
.96
70.
0
5.2
3.4
10.4S,8.3-
1
Cut Nail
8.
6
7.9
2.5
8.6E
Group 2
H71 .
.107
.22
61 .
2
4.0
2.8
3.0S,23.5E
6.
2
5.9
1.7
- 372 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C1G CI W FP AC CI E
Flat-Head
Cut Nail
Group 2
H71 .107
.46
47.6
6.8
4.4
6.7
3.3
2.4
0S.5E,
SW 1/4
1
H71 .107
.35
38.4
5.8
4.0
4.9
2.5
1.2
5S.15E,
S 1/2
ii
H70.109
.246
38.3
5.4
3.3
5.1
2.4
1 .6
5S,5W,El/2
1
ii
H71 .107
.45
39.3
6.3
3.7
6.3
2.2
1 .5
0S,5E,
SW 1/4
1
H
H70.109
.44
37.5
3.7
2.4
12. 7S,
11 .OE
1
Fragment
H70.109
.69
27. 9x
5.1
3.6
5.0
2.4
1.1
10S,5E,
NW 1/4
1
ii
H70.109
.98
31 .8x
7.5
3.4
6.3
3.1
1 .0
10S,5E, 1
Balk along
wall
H70.109
.50
30. 2x
8.6
5.6
7.3
3.9
2.5
10S.10E,
Wl/2
1
ii
H70.109
.87
25. 4x
6.0
3.5
5.8
2.2
1 .6
6.6SJ4.6E
H
H70.109
.41
35. 2x
8.2
5.7
7.9
3.6
2.0
12. IS,
10. 8E
1
H
H71 .107
.44
28. 7x
8.0
5.7
6.9
3.4
2.6
4.9S.5.4E
1
ii
H71 .107
.51
26. 6x
7.8
5 2
•J . c
7.4
3.9
2.2
H
H70.109
.68
25. 9x
6.5
5.0
5.6
3.5
2.2
No Prov. 1
Cat?
H
H70.109
.11
25. 9x
5.8
4.6
5.6
3.5
1 .8
ON, OE, El/2,
ON, 5E, Wl/2
1
H71.107.25 27. 4x 4.0 3.2 2N,15E,
7.0 7.0 3.3 Dist.
- 373 -
ARTIFACT
NUMBER
L
W
TH
GRID LOC C1G
CTW FP
AC C1E
Fragment
H70.109
.82
18
4
.7x
.0
3.2
3.4
3.2
2.3
ONJOE,
SW 1/4
1
ii
H70.109
.47
23
8
.7x
.4
4.5
5.4
4.2
2.1
12.3S,
11 .4E
1
ii
H70.109
.112
17.
6.
.2x
.2
4.6
5.5
2.6
2.1
5S,10E,
Nl/2
1
Flat-Head
Cut Nail,
Group 3
H70.109
.72
20
6
.2
.0
2.7
5.0
2.5
1 .4
11 .0S.8.0E
1
H
H70.109
.101
31 ,
6
.9
.9
3.2
6.0
2.9
1 .4
1 .9S,1 .8W,
Out. S. Wall
1
H
H71 .107
.11
17.
5.
,5
.7
2.6
5.1
1 .9
1 .0
5S,10E, 1
Dist.
ii
H70.109
.262
30.
8,
Ox
.1
3.6
7.4
2.9
1 .3
10S,5E
1
H71 .107
.4
29.
7,
,lx
,7
3.2
7.1
3.2
1.2
12. 4S,
11 .OE
1
Cut Nail
Fragment w.
Pounded End
H71 .107
.50
35.
4.
,7
.4
3.3
3.7
2.2
1 .0
7.0S,0.5E
1
Cut Nail
Tip Frag.
H70.109
.74A
32.
8x
7.4
5.2
10S,5E,
1
it
H70.109
.6A
36.
,6x
4.3
3.4
0N,5E
1
H
H70.109
.57
48.
.7x
4.3
3.1
11 .IS,
10. 2E
1
ii
H70.109
.245
47,
.3x
3.4
3.1
5S,5W,El/2
1
H
H70.109
.247
42,
.5x
3.8
3.3
5S,5W,El/2
1
ii
H70.109
.248
28,
.8x
4.1
3.9
5S,5W,El/2
1
ii
H71 .107
.57
34,
,5x
4.2
3.8
5S,5E,
NW 1/4
1
H70.109
.10
25,
.Ox
3.6
3.2
OS, OE, El/2
1
0S,5E,Wl/2
- 374 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC CI G C1W FP AC CI E
Cut Nail H71.107.23 16.1x3.4 2.9 2N,15E
Tip Frag. Dist.
H71.107.7 28.7x 3.4 3.4 10S,10E,
NW 1/4
H70.109.56 20. 7x 3.9 3.2 10. 7S,
14. 5E
H70. 109.97 24. 2x 3.0 2.8 10.3S.8.1E
Cut Nail H70.109.75 17. 8x 2.3 2.0 12.7S,9.7E
Tip Frag.
Cut Nail H70. 109.8 40. Ox 4.0 3.6 10S,10E,
Tip Frag., NW 1/4
Bent
H70.109.79 33. Ox 3.9 3.3 10S,5E,
NE 1/4,
Dist.
Fragment, H70.109.70 38. 3x 4.4 3.0 10S,5E, 1
Bent and NE 1/4
Broken
H71.107.49 43. Ox 4.0 2.7 4.2S,4.8E 1
Cut Nail H70.109.74B 32. 8x 7.4 5.2 10S.5E, 1
Medial NE 1/4
Fragment
Nail Frag.? H71.107.41 29.0x4.0 3.7 4.5S,0.4E 1
Chisel Tip
Nail Frag.? H71.107.38 24. Ox 3.6 3.6 5S,15E,
Sl/2
H71.107.33 16. 9x 3.1 2.6 4. OS. 5. IE 1
FORGED NAIL DISTRIBUTION 14 2 5 4
CUT NAIL DISTRIBUTION 5 17 6 29 6
GABLE-HEAD CUT NAIL DISTRIBUTION 2 1 4
- 375 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER
L W TH
GRID LOC C1G
C1W
FP
AC
FLAT-HEAD CUT NAIL, GROUP
1, DISTRIBUTION
1
1
1
6
FLAT-HEAD CUT NAIL, GROUP
2, DISTRIBUTION
3
6
2
5
FLAT-HEAD CUT NAIL, GROUP
3, DISTRIBUTION
1
1
3
TOTAL NAILS, DISTRIBUTION
(82 Nails)
6
21
9
34
Iron Wire H70.109.80 61.7 4.0 — Backfill 1
DOMESTIC.
HOUSEHOLD
Plain White H70.109.16A 71.7x75.5 6.3 0.0S,3.5E
Earthenware, and B
Rim Sherd
Body Sherd H70. 109.30 34. Ox 27. 9x 4.5 7.0S,9.7E
H70. 109.83 21. 5x 18. 2x 4.2 0S,10E,
SW 1/4
H70.109.32 15. 8x 12. 5x 3.2 5S.10E
NW 1/4
"Turco" Pat- H70.109.116 43. 9x 69. 8x 3.8 7.3S,9.8E
tern Earth- Ht.
enware Rim
Sherd. (Conjoining next specimen)
H70.109.20 5S,10E
H70. 109.1 69. Ox 54. 5x 6.5 0N,5E,
Ht. E 1/2
(Conjoining next 3 specimens)
H70.109.31A 0.6SJ0.2E
H70.109.31B 0.6SJ0.2E
H70. 109.28 24. 7x 19. 2x 3.3x 6. OS, 11. IE
H70.109.278 9.0 7.0 3.2 0S,5W
Body Sherd H70.109.24 18. Ox 15. 3x 3.1 7. IS, 12. IE
Ht.
- 376 -
ARTIFACT
NUMBER
TH
GRID LOC C1G C1W FP AC C1E
"Grapevine"
Pattern
Earthenware
Rim Sherd
Body Sherd
H71 .107.59
H70. 109.5
H70.109.22
H70.109.25
H70.109.93
14.6 16.8 3.6
27. 2x 24. 8x 3.6
19.3x 18.4x 5.1
25. 2x 16. 4x 4.6
0N,0E,
SW 1/4
6.6S,7.8E
9.4S.10.4E
5SJ0E
D 1/2
9.7x 4.3x 3.2 7.1S.14.8E
"Beverly"
Pattern
Earthenware
Rim Sherd
H70.109.45A 93. lx 47. 3x 5.4 12.4SJ0.8E
Body Sherd
"B 772"
Pattern Ear
thenware
Body Sherd
(Conjoining next
H70.109.45B
H70.109.48
H70.109.43
H70. 109.39
H71 .107.48 71 . 7x 58
(Conjoining next
H70. 109.4
H70.109.5 108.6 41
x
(Conjoining next
H70.109.42
H70.109.38A
H70.109.38B
H70.109.55
H70.109.19 27. 5x 22
four specimens)
12.45, 10. 8E
12.4SJ0.7E
12.55,11 .0E
12.45,11 .0E
.6x 4.8 0.2S.9.4E
specimen)
3.7S,6.4E
.Ox 5.8 13.75,11. 5E
4 specimens)
12. OS, 11. 0E
12. OS, 11. 2E
12.05,11 .2E
10SJ0E
.Ox 4.2 5S,10E,
NW 1/4
(Conjoining next specimen)
- 377 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC CI G CI W FP AC CI E
"B 772" H70.109.27 5S,10E, 1
Pattern Ear- NW 1/4
thenware
Body Sherd (Conjoining previous specimen)
H70.109.263 16. Ix 15. 8x 3.6x 0S,0E 1
H70.109.68 7.6x 7.3 1 .Ox 5S.10E, 1
NW 1/4
"Portneuf" 71.107.20 68.2 56.8 3.8 5N,25E, 1
Earthenware El/2, Out-
Rim side NE
Corner
Painted H70.109.117 24. Ix 17. 5x 5.9 7.3S,9.8E 1
Earthenware with foot
Painted H70.109.13 18. 9x 16. 6x 5.7 5S,5E,El/2
Earthenware
H70.109.53 14. 3x 12. 9x 3.7 5.2SJ0.6E 1
EARTHENWARE, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION 1 24 1 10 1
Glass Bottle H70. 109.65 31. 6x 25.4 27.0 11.35S.8.5E
Fragment (Conjoining next specimen)
H70.109.66
11 .7S,8.5E
Perf. Metal H70.109.280 87. 8x 43.4 0.6 0S.5W
Object
Out. Wall
Tin-Plate H70.109.77C 57.3x11.9x0.8? 4.4SJ0.7
Box Frag.
to 11. 3E
H70.109.77A 62. 7x 9.2x 0.8? 4.4SJ0.7
to 11. 3E
H70.109.52 68. Ox 8.4x 4.5 5.4S,10.6
Fold to 10.85E
H70.109.77B 59. Ix 8.5x 0.4 4.4SJ0.7
to 11. 3E
- 378 -
ARTIFACT
NUMBER
L
IaI
TH
GRID LOC C1G
C1W FP
Tin Plate
Box Frag.
H70.
109
29
45. 5x
8.4
0.6
5S.10E,
NW 1/4
1
"?
H70.
109
85
21. Ix
8.0
0.5
7.05J3.0E
1
"?
H70.
109
241
Frags
0.7
2.5S,3.4W
1
H70.
109
242
Frags
0.8
2.5S,3.4W
1
Corrugated
Tin-Plate
Fragment
H70.
109
26
38. 6x
32.6
0.7
5S,10E,
NW 1/4
1
ii
H70.
109
36
41 .lx
30.2
0.8
6. IS, 10. IE
1
Irrregular
Perf. Iron
Sheet
H71 .
107
42
25. Ox
14. 7x
0.2
4.5S,5.4E
1
Tin-Plate
or Iron
Fragments
H70.
109
102
3 frags.
0.5
1 .OS, 3. 7
to 3.8W
1
ii
H70.
109
111
3 frags.
0.5
7.9SJ4.5E
it
H70.
109
279
22. 5x
9.5x
1.2
0S,5W
1
H
H70.
109
110
30. 6x
17. 4x
0.1
5.8SJ2.7E
1
H
H70.
109
78
16. 8x
14. 7x
1 .3
3.8SJ0.4E
1
H
H70.
109
51
16. 8x
16. 3x
1 .9
5.55SJ0.6E
10. 6E
1
TRANSPORTATION
Horseshoe
Nail
H70.
109
58
53.3
8.4
4.5
4.9
2.1
7.5
11 .7SJ0.7
to 10.9DE
H70.
109
21
50.2
8.4
3.7
4.0
2.4
7.9
9.8S,6.0E
1
RECREATION
Pipe 8owl
Fragment
H71
107
63
Ht.
20. 8x
Diam.
25.0
1 .6
2.0
10S.5E,
NE 1/4
ii
H70
109
62
10S,5E,
NW 1/4
Chip
- 379 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LQC C16 CI W FP AC CI E
CLOTHING AND
ORNAMENTATION
Buttons
Diam. Loop
Shell But- H70.109.18 11.8 -- 1.7 0S,0E 1
ton, Type 1
Bone Button H71.107.37 16.8*.-— 2.6 5S.15E, 1
Fragment, S 1/2
Type 1
Cast But- H71.107.26 22.7 5.4 1.5 10S,15E, 1
ton, Type 2 N 1/2
H71.107.10 20.7 5.5 1.2 7.0S,25.7E 1
"Birdcage H71.107.60 17.1 8.0 1.0 0N,0E,
Brass But- SW 1/4
ton, Type 4
Decorated H70.109.240 17.1 5.0 4.6 4.0S,3.2W
Hoi low
Brass, Type
5a
Type 5d H70.107.16 16.6 5.6 3.8 8.0S.2.0E
Loop
Diam. Outer Band
Plain Hoi- H70.109.23 12.9 4.2 2.9 8.1SJ0.4E
low Brass,
Type 5?
BUTTONS, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION
Beads
Diam. Perf.
Small Blue H71.107.12 1.4 1.7 <1 .0 11. IS,
Glass Bead 8.6E
H71.107.52 1.0 1.5 <1 .0 8.7S,
16. 2E
Small Pink H70.109.177 1.4 1.5 <1.0 10S,20E
Glass Bead Out. Wall
- 380 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC CI G C1W FP AC CI E
Diam. Perf.
Large Amber H71.107.56 8.9 10.1 3.4 5SJ5E, 1
Glass Bead Dist.
NATIVE INDUS-
TRIES
Chipped H70.109.107 27.9 13.3 5.5 5S,5W 1
Stone Flake
DISTRIBUTION BY FUNCTIONAL CATEGORY
HUNTING 1 1 1
CONSTRUCTION AND BLACKSMITHING 9 21 9 34 13
DOMESTIC AND HOUSEHOLD 1 38 4 13 1
TRANSPORTATION 1 1
RECREATION 2
CLOTHING AND ORNAMENT 5 1 6
NATIVE INDUSTRIES 1
TOTALS (163 Items)
11 67 13 51 21
- 381 -
TABLE 12
FAUNAL MATERIAL FROM CABIN 1
Species & Element Portion R/L Cut Tth Brn Grid Lo C1G C1W FP AC C1E
Unit No. Mk
LARGE MAMMALS
Unid. May be
Bison (Bison
bison)
H71 .107.19
H70.109.81C
Various No.
H70.109.92D
H70.109.35I
H71 .107.28
H70.109.109C
H70. 109. 2351
Various No.
Spinous Complete
Medial
Rib Fg. Prox.
Medial
Distal
Scapula Prox. I
Medial
Distal I
5NJ0E
10S.5E,
E 1/2
Various
Long B Medial
Frags .
10
0S,10E
5S.10E
Balk 10S,
15E-5SJ5E
OS.OE
10N,5W
Various
3
10
1
1
52
TOTAL LARGE MAMMALS (BISON?)
1 69 10
SMALL MAMMALS
Showshoe
Hare ( Lepus
americanus)
H70.109.34B Mandible Body R
0S.10E
- 382 -
Species & Element Portion R/L Cut Tth Brn Grid Lo C1G C1W FP AC C1E
Unit No. Mk
Showshoe
Hare ( Lepus
americanus)
H70.109.109D Mand.
H70.109.64D Femur
Muskrat
(Ondatra
zibethicus)
H71.107.27A Femur
Body
Medial
H70.109.239C libia
Fibular
Med . +
Dist.
Prox .
H70.109.105C Meta- Comp.
podial
H70.109.239B
Small Mam-
mal Unid.
Sn. Hare?
H70.109.34E
H70.109.19
H70.109.7A
H70.109.105D
Comp.
Rib Fr. Medial
Long B Medial
Frag
0S,0E
5S.5E
10S,5E
W 1/2
0S,5W
0S,5W
0S,5W
OS.lOE
0S,0E
5S,5E
0S.5W
TOTAL SMALL MAMMALS
- 9
BIRDS
Gadwall
Anas stre-
pera
H71 .107.43A
Radius Distal L
5SJ5E
- 383 -
Species & Element Portion R/L Cut Tth Brn Grid Lo C1G C1W FP AC C1E
Unit No. Mk
T rumpeter
Swan (Qlor
buccinator)
H71.107.43B Corocoid Prox. L 5S,15E 1
Unid., Bird,
Crow Size
Passeri-
f ormes)
H71.107.62 Tibio- Medial 5S,15E
tarus
Same, or
Larger
H71.107.47A Tibio- Prox. 5S,15E
tarsus
Unid .Bi rd
H70.109.9A-I Thor. Medial x 0S,0E
Vert. 0S,5E
TOTAL BIRDS
FISH
Unid. Fish
H70. 109. 63-1 Scale Complete 10S,10E,
E 1/2
H70. 109. 63-2 " " 10S.10E,
E 1/2
TOTAL FISH
TOTAL BONE DISTRIBUTION
1 80 12 - 8
- 384 -
TABLE 13
ARTIFACTS FROM CABIN 2
ARTIFACT NUMBER
TH
GRID LOC C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
HUNTING
Gunf 1 int
Fragment
H73.140.116 26.4 20.5 8.0 Cut C
H73. 140.44
H73. 140.45
Round Lead H70.109.192
Ball
H73.140.14
H73. 140.46
Lead Shot Various
— - Cut B
— — Cut B
Diam. Wt.
15.0 19.73 3.36S,2.55E
14.45 16.79 Cut A
14.45 16.44 Cut B
Diam 2.75 - 4.8 Various
Diam.
Sprue Frags. H73.140.126 6.2- 2.6
8.4 3.3
Cut C
Lead Bullet H73.140.117 10.7x11.2 12.95 Cut C
CONSTRUCTION AND
BLACKSMITHING
File Tang H73.140.225 96.0 15.0 5.5 Cut C
Forged Iron
Nails
Gable-Head H73J40.28 73.6 5.2 4.0 Cut B
Forged Nail 6.8 5.4 3.5
H73.140.141 70.75 5.9 4.3 Cut C
7.8 5.1 4.3
Forged Frag. H70.109.122 55. 4x 5.8 5.4 2.8 to 3. OS,
Flat Tip
Forged
Frag., Tip
2.0E
H70.109.165 45.9x6.9 6.6 1.4N7.25E
1
1
13 441
- 385 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Forged or
Cut Iron
Nail
H73
140.36
34.0
9.6
3.7
8.4
3.5
2.5
Cut B
1
H
H73
140.209
29.3
9.1
3.4
6.7
2.5
2.8
Cut C
n
H73
140.207
34.4
6.0
3.0
4.0
2.4
3.1
Cut C
n
H73
140.210
21 .4
6.7
3.0
5.8
2.2
2.6
Cut C
ii
H73
140.27
21 .0
7.6
3.3
6.7
3.1
2.0
Cut B
H
H73
140.216
22.0
7.8
3.4
7.3
2.1
2.7
Cut C
H
H73.
140.213
20.0
7.3
2.9
6.2
2.5
3.2
Cut C
H
H73.
140.193
26.0
8.4
4.0
7.9
2.4
3.3
Cut C
H
H73.
140.215
17.0
6.1
2.3
5.1
2.1
1 .4
Cut C
H
H70.
109.211
20.9
6.5
2.4
6.2
2.1
1 .0
14.9S.5.1E
Out. S.Wall
1
Forged or
Cut Frag.
H70.
109.161
19. 8x
8.1
3.7
7.0
3.2
1.7
2.4S,1 .5E
2.4SJ .5E
1
Machine-Cut
Iron Nails
Gable-Head
Cut Nail
H73.
140.5
82.65
9.9
6.3
7.9
5.8
4.5
Cut A
1
H
H73.
140.41
56.0
7 7
/ . /
6.4
0 . D
4.6
A 0
Cut B
1
H
H73.
140.6
78.4
11.5
6.3
7.6
6.3
4.7
Cut A
1
a
H73.
140.3
68.0
6.6
4.1
5.1
4.3
3.3
Cut A
1
- 386 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Gable-Head
Cut Nail
Fragment
H73.
140.
182
44. Ox
7.2
4.6
5.1
3.9
3.7
Cut C
1
Flat-Head
Cut Nail,
Group 1
H73.
140.
218
71.0
9.6
5.5
6.4
5.0
2.9
Cut C
1
H
H70.
109.
208
57.7
7.2
4.2
5.0
3.8
2.0
12.75S,2.6E
1
H
H73.
140.
7
54.3
8.4
5.1
6.2
4.6
3.5
Cut A
1
H
H73.
140.
203
45.25
7.6
4.0
7.4
4.0
2.2
Cut C
1
H
H70.
109.
267
45.1
6.4
3.9
5.6
3.4
1.2
15S,0E
Out. S. Wall
1
H
H73.
140.
206
39.0
6.0
3.1
3.6
1 .8
2.5
Cut C
1
it
H73.
140.
189
25.0
6.1
3.6
5.0
3.4
2.0
Cut C
1
H
H70.
109,
195
22.6
4.8
2.9
3.9
2.9
1.1
3.77 to
3.84S,2.21E
1
H
H70.
109.
271
47.4
7.3
3.8
5.5
4.5
1 .8
15S,0E,
Out. S. Wall
1
ii
Sit. Frag.
H70.
109.
,196
52. Ox
7.1
4.4
4.3
4.0
2.1
3.25S,
2.65E
1
Group 1 ,
Fragment
H71 .
107.
,64
38. Ix
9.1
5.4
6.6
3.8
2.8
6.7SJ8.3E
H73.
140.
,40
32. Ox
7.7
5.0
5.7
5.0
2.8
Cut B
1
H
n / 1 .
1 u / .
. 0 /
ou . yx
7.7
A Q
4 . y
4.8
0 Q
J . O
2.0
H70.
109,
.158
22. 7x
6.4
4.0
3.5
4.1
1 .3
11 .35S,1 .0E
1
H
H70.
,109,
.273
24. 4x
5.6
3.8
4.1
3.0
1.0
2.5N,20E
Dist.
- 387 -
ARTIFACT
NUMBER
L
W
TH
GRID LOC C2G
C2W RP
Group 1 ,
Fragment
H73.140.
131
21 .8x
7.4
4.3
4.5
3.8
2.6
Cut C
1
n
H73.140.
186
30. 4x
8.1
4.6
5.4
4.3
3.0
Cut C
1
H
H73.140.
190
20. 5x
9.7
4.9
5.6x
4.7
2.8
Cut C
1
H
H73.140.
188
25. Ox
7.1
4.7
5.6
4.4
2.5
Cut C
1
Flat-Head
Cut Nail,
Group 2
H70.109.
119
75.4
8.0
5.2
7.6
3.4
2.5
1 .6SJ7.0E
H
H73.140.
221
65.0
8.0
5.4
7.3
4.0
2.3
Cut C
1
H73.140.
1
55.0
8.5
5.5
8.3
4.05
2.5
Cut A
1
H
H73.140.
140
50.0
6.8
4.6
6.3
3.4
1 .9
Cut C
1
H
H73.140.
138
53.2
7.2
5.4
6.7
3.9
2.3
Cut C
1
ii
H73.140.
220
56.0
6.8
5.0
5.6
4.0
2.7
Cut C
1
H
H73.140.
217
67.1
7.3
5.6
6.5
4.3
2.6
Cut C
1
H
H70.109.
212
51 .5
6.2
4.1
5.5
2.5
1.7
12.0S,5.35E
1
ii
n / o . i m-u .
cull
D 1 . U
7.7
D . u
6.7
a a
3.8
tUt L
1
H
H73.140.
205
49.6
6.3
4.0
6.2
3.2
2.5
Cut C
1
H
H70.109.
221
45.0
6.4
4.2
6.2
3.1
1 .6
17.65SJ .5E
Out. S. Wall
1
- 388 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Flat-Head
Cut Nail,
Group 2
H73.
140.
132
25
5
.6
.8
3.3
4.9
2.8
1.6
Cut C
MisCat.?
H70.
109.
187
37
5
.9
.8
3.7
4.0
2.5
1.2
2.48-2.62S,
2.12-2.24E
1
ii
H70.
109.
148
38
5
.2
.8
3.6
4.4
2.2
1.2
0.54S,3.91E
M
H73.
140.
133
26
5
.2
.3
3.4
4.9
2.8
1.7
Cut C
ii
H73.
140.
135
26
4
.2
.7
3.0
4.5
3.0
1 .8
Cut C
n
H73.
140.
202
40
4,
.3
.7
2.85
4.7
2.85
2.7
Cut C
H
H70.
109.
219
28
6,
.2
.6
3.0
5.2
2.5
1.5
18.69SJ .24E
Out. S. Wall
1
„
H70.
109.
189
24.
5,
,1
,7
2.6
5.2
2.2
1.1
2.83S.2.48
to 2.58E
1
n
H70.
109.
138
25,
5.
A
.6
2.6
4.0
2.1
1.5
1 .65S,0.78E
1
H
Split
H73.
140.
222
66.
10.
.0
.1
5.0
7.6
5.0
3.0
Cut C
Slight
Frag.
H70.
109.
151
25,
6,
.4x
.1
3.6
6.0
2.6
1.7
12.52SJ .45E
1
Split
H73.
140.
4
35,
7,
.4
.4
5.9
3.8x
2.4x
2.7
Cut A
1
Fragment
H70.
109.
268
49,
8,
,6x
.4
6.0
7.7
3.4
2.0
15S,0E
Out. S. Wall
1
n / u .
1 HQ
8,
A v
.0
D . 1
6.6
0 . D
2.4
1 O . COO , H . Ot
i
M
H70.
109.
233
35,
6,
.Ox
.4
4.4
6.2
3.5
2.2
15.94S,
0.87E
1
H73.
140.
191
29
8,
,8x
.3
6.8
6.6
4.3
4.0
Cut C
- 389 -
ADTTCAPT
Arc 1 1 r AL 1
Ml IMD C D
IMUMbtK
i
L
w
TU
1 H
r d t n i r\r
brclU LUL
pop pou DD CD fir
Ldh Levi KP rP Ldt
Fragment
H70.109.173
24. 5x
5.6
3.6
12.8S,8.7E
1
o . U
C 9
D . O
1 . b
H70.109.287
24. 6x
4.8
3.2
5N,20E
b . d
C Q
D . O
H70.109.285
20. 5x
5.6
4.0
0S,5W
1
1 Q
b . y
9 R
H73.140.183
20. 4x
6.3
3.1
Cut C
1
Q 1
O . 1
£ 9
b . o
6 . 1
H73.140.136
19. 8x
4.8
3.6
Cut C
1
0 . D
D . 0
9 9
£ . C
X
H
UTJ 1/10 1 QA
1 Q 9C
c 9
9 Q
^ . y
LUt L
1
7.8
6.3
1 .9
•i
H70.109.284
16. 6x
3.6
3.2
0S,5W
1
5.9
4.8
1 .4
H71 .107.69
13.3x
3.3
3.0
5.9S.19.1E
1
6.6
4.4
1 .4
Flat-Head
H73.140.219
66.0
4.0
4.0
Cut C
1
Cut Nail,
7.2
6.3
3.5
urOLip O
II
H70.109.141
63.4
4.5
3.8
2.5N.23.0E
0 . OX
b . 1
9 A
C . H
II
No Number
44.6
4.5
4.1
1 .3S,6.8E
1
D . D
b . u
9 C
II
H70.109.274
39.9
2.4
2.3
0N,5W
1
b . 1
Q A
D . 4
u . y
II
H70.109.254
38.9
2.9
2.7
3.6S,3.0W
1
/ . c
b . 4
9 n
II
H73.140.208
30.4
3.3
3.1
Cut C
1
1 Q
1 . O
9 "J
II
H73.140.201
27.4
3.0
3.0
Cut C
1
7.2
6.0
2.3
II
H73.140.134
25.3
3.0
2.9
Cut C
1
5.6
4.8
1 .4
- 390 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Flat-Head
Cut Nai 1 ,
Group 3
H73
140.
39
24
5
3
1
3.1
4.6
2
1
6
6
Cut B
H73
140.
43
26
6
0
3
2.9
6.3
2
1
5
8
Cut B
Fragment
H73
140.
16
29
8
lx
3
4.55
6.1
4
3
55
6
Cut A
ii
H73
140.
187
41
8
Ox
8
6.0
7.2
5
4
0
2
Cut C
ii
H73
140.
195
25
9
4
2
5.8
8.2
5
3
3
3
Cut C
H
H73.
140.
199
26
7
5x
1
4.0
6.6
3
2
5
8
Cut C
H
H73.
140.
192
12
6
Ox
6
4.4
5.0
4
2
1
5
Cut C
Cut Nail w.
Reinforced
Head
H70.
109.
176
88
10
3
2
7.1
9.4
5
3
0
5
2.6S,2.9E
Cut Fragment
with Pounded
End
H70.
109.
236
21
3
8
8
2.0
3.2
1
1
6
6
17.30W.1 .651
Out. S. Wall
ii
H70.
109.
217
19
3
8
9
2.0
2.7
1
1
4
4
17.22S.1 .OE
Out. S. Wall
ii
H70.
109.
145
20
2
0
7
2.0
1.7
1
0
6
6
2.1N.22.4E
Cut Nail
w. Indet.
Head
H73.
140.
198
37
5
6x
8
4.5
5.7
4
3
3
1
Cut C
H73
140.
181
28
7x
4.3
3
7
Cut C
Cut Nail
Med. Frag.
H73
140.
38
42
8x
3.9
3
9
Cut B
H70
109.
152
30
9x
3.7
3
3
11 .21S,
1 .35E
■- 391 -
ARTIFACT
NUMBER
L
W
TH
GRID LOC C2G
C2W
RP
Cut Nail
Med. Frag.
H71 .
,107.
.66
25
.7x
3.9
3.4
6.4SJ4.5E
ii
H73.
140.
.42?
20,
.9x
5.0
4.0
Cut B
1
H73.
140.
.197
29,
.3x
5.7
4.7
Cut C
1
ii
H70.
109.
,129
13,
.9x
3.6
2.8
10S.3.4E
1
Cut Nail
Tip Frag.
H73.
140.
,185?
50.
.Ox
4.3
5.2
Cut C
1
M
H70.
109.
,286
49,
.4x
4.3
3.1
5N.20E
ii
H71 .
107.
,65
40.
,5x
3.4
2.9
7.0S.15.6E
H
H70.
109.
,210?
29,
8x
3.3
3.2
13.3S,3.0E
1
ii
H73,
140.
196
29.
.Ox
4.0
3.5
Cut C
1
H73.
140.
,204
39.
Ox
2.9
2.7
Cut C
1
H
H73.
140.
194
37.
Ox
4.6
4.6
Cut C
1
ii
H70.
109.
275
28.
4x
2.9
2.3
ON,OE,
Out. Wall?
1
ii
H70.
109.
,216
22.
,6x
3.0
2.9
11 .21S,9.5E
1
ii
H70.
109.
,215
13.
Ox
2.3
2.1
16.8S,1 .OE
Out. S. Wall?
1
Nail Frag.?
H70.
109.
218
21 .
lx
3.6
3.2
17.45SJ .85E
Out. S. Wall?
1
H70.
109.
.127
38.
.6x
2.6
2.4
1.3S,29.0E 1
Wire (Round)
Nails
Wire Nail
H73.
,140.
.139
54.
7.
.0
.5
2.85
7.3
2.85
2.2
Cut C
1
H
H73.
,140.
.137
54.
8.
.6
.1
3.3
6.1x
3.3
2.5
Cut C
1
n
H73.
,140.
.211
50.
6.
.0
.7
2.8
5.2x
2.8
2.4
Cut C
1
- 392 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Wire Nail H73.140.212 52.0 2.6 2.6 Cut C 1
6.1x 5.7x 2.2
FORGED NAIL DISTRIBUTION — 1 2 1
FORGED OR CUT NAIL DISTRIBUTION — 2 9 —
CUT NAIL DISTRIBUTION — 31 52 1 5 7
FLAT-HEAD CUT NAIL, GROUP 1, DISTRIBUTION - 6 10 — 2 1
FLAT-HEAD CUT NAIL, GROUP 2, DISTRIBUTION — 14 17 — 2 2
FLAT-HEAD CUT NAIL, GROUP 3, DISTRIBUTION — 2 111 — 1
WIRE (ROUND) NAIL, DISTRIBUTION — — 4 —
TOTAL NAILS, DISTRIBUTION (115 Nails) — 34 67 2 5 7
Washer and
H73.
140.
179
9
5x
9.4
1 .6
Cut C 1
Tack
Head
Thread
Screw
H73.
140.
180
25
4
8.3
5.2
Cut C 1
Diam.
Washer or
H73.
140.
177
23.8
1 .8
Cut C 1
Finial Frag.
5.25
Iron Rivet
H73.
140.
8
14.9
4.0
Cut A, 1
Head?
18S,3.5E
Metal Clasp
H73.
140.
178
16
2
16.7
1.0
Cut C 1
or Retainer
Key
H70
109.
188
92
3
28.3
Shaft
2.74 to 2.98S, 1
17.1
9.6
2.41 to 2.18E
Diam.
Iron Wire
H70
109
282
11
5
1 .2
0S,5W 1
DOMESTIC AND
HOUSEHOLD
Earthenware
Ht.
Plain White H70.109.162 13. 2x 15. 4x 4.5x 2.45SJ.5E
Rim Sherd
- 393 -
ARTIFACT
NUMBER
L
W
TH
GRID LOC C2G C2W RP
Plain White
Body Sherd
H70.109.
232
19.
.8x
17.
3x
4.4
3.82S.2.2W 1
H73.140.
33
20
.Ox
20.
Ox
5.7
Cut B 1
ii
H73.140.
.227
19
,6x
10.
4x
5.2
Surface 1
"Grapevine"
H73.140.
.122
12
.5x
14.
2
4.3
Cut C 1
Pattern
Earthenware
"Flower H73.140.124 32. Ox 29. Ox 5.0 Cut C 1
Vase" Pat-
tern Rim
Sherd
Ht.
"B 772" Pat- H70.109.222 15. 2x 22. 3x 3.9 18.5SJ.4E 1
tern Rim Out. Wall?
Sherd
"B 700" Pat- H73.140.123 9.7x 5. Ox 3.0 Cut C 1
tern Rim
Sherd
Blue Trans- H70.109.132 37. 5x 32. 4x 5.7 18S,26.5E 1
fer Print
Body Sherd
H73.140.121 42. 5x 16. lx 5.0 Cut C 1
"Meander" H73.140.125 47. Ox 30. Ox 6.4 Cut C 1
Pattern
Rim Sherd
EARTHENWARE, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION !
_
Green Glass H70.109.224A 16. 7x 35. 4x 3.0 15.10S,
Bottle Rim 5.0 4.4 1 .25E
Fragment Rim Rim
" Body Sherd H70.109.224B 65. 3x 27. Ox 3.4 15.10SJ.25E
(conjoining next two specimens)
H70.109.234 17.6S.1.35E
H70.109.223
17.9SJ.6E 1
ARTIFACT NUMBER
- 394 -
L W TH GRID LOC C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Med. Green H73.14.107 37. 3x 18. Ox 5.8 Cut C
Bottle Glass
Fragment
Mirror or
Window Frag.
H70.
109.266
32. 5x
27. lx
2.3
15S.0E
Out. S. Wall
1
H70.
109.252
44. 8x
25. 6x
2.5
17. 60S, 1 .2E
Out. S. Wall
1
ii
H71 .
107.71
33. 5x
21 .8x
2.5
3.4S.7.5W
Out. S. Wall
1
H
H70.
109.251
24. 8x
24. 4x
2.5
16.10S.1 .89E
Out. S. Wall
1
H
H70.
109.225
21 .lx
16. 7x
1 .6
11 .8SJ7.5E
Out. S. Wall
1
H
H70.
109.264
18. 4x
10. 6x
2.6
15S,0E
Out. S. Wall
1
H
H
H70.
n / o .
109.265
l an in
20. 4x
17
1 / . OA
17. 8x
1 J.CA
2.5
15S,0E
Out. S. Wall
Put A
1
1
1
H73.
140.106
20. Ox
23. Ox
1 .7x
Cut C
1
ii
H71 .
107.72
18. 8x
10. 2x
1.7
3.7S,8.9W
Out. N. Wall
1
H71 .
107.73
12. 3x
8.5x
2.5
4.0S.6.3W
Out. N. Wall?
1
H70.
109.172
9.9x
8.5x
1.7
2.0S,4.2E
1
MIRROR
OR WINDOW
GLASS GENERAL
DISTRIBUTION
Q
9
c
— 1
Glass
Frag.
H70
107.277
0N,0E
1
H70
109.249
15S,0E
Out. S. Wall
1
Tin Can Lid
H73
140.223
Diam.
79.2
3.7
Cut C
1
H73
140.224
80.0
2.0
Cut C
1
- 395 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Iron Strap-
ping Frag.
H70
109.
230
330.0
X
24.3
0.9
12.25S, 1
28. 5-29. OE
S.E. of Cabin
H70
109.
153
335.0
X
21 .8
1.2
12. 02-12. 4S
1 .6-2. 5E
1
Tin-Plate
Box Frag.
H70
109.
270
38. lx
16. 4x
0.2-
0.5
10S.0E
1
Tin-Plate
or Iron
Fragments
H70
140.
226
59. Ox
35. lx
2.9
Cut C
1
H73
140.
2
55. 7x
27. 2x
0.7
Cut A
1
H73
140.
29
21 .3x
11 .7x
2.4
Cut B
1
„
H70
109.
250?
38. 7x
15. 9x
0.9
5N,20E
H73
140.
214
23. 2x
6.1x
1.7
Cut C
1
H70
109.
276
24. 3x
14. 5x
1 .6
ON.OE,
SE 1/4
1
H73
140.
176
12.6
13.9
1 .8
Cut C
1
H73
140.101
22.6
18.0
0.9
Cut C
1
H70
109.
135
Shattered
2.0
Rust
1 .35S,
1 .65E
1
Elongated
Metal Sheet
H70
109.
164
160.0
54.8
0.5
0N,5E,
SW 1/4
Sheet Cop-
per Frag.
H70
109.
183
22. 3x
10. 8x
0.3
3.15S,2.4E
1
ii
H70
109.
184
10. 7x
5.5x
0.3
2.5S,2.4E
1
H70
109.
174
38. 7x
ca.
22. 4x
av.
0.3
av.
2.07S,2.7E
1
Lead Foil
H73
140.
130
108.9
X
56. 5x
0.3
Cut C
1
H70
109.
121
47. 5x
45. 5x
0.3
3.3 to 3.4S
1
0.4 to 0.55E
- 396 -
ARTIFACT
NUMBER
L
IaI
TH
GRID L0C C2G
C2W RP FP C2E D
Lead Foil
H73.140.103
43. 9x
27. 9x
0.2
Cut C
1
H70.109.120
40. 3x
27. 5x
0.3
22. 9-23. OS
1 .1-1 .2E
1
H
H70.109.175
Frags
0.2
2.8S,2.95E
1
ii
H70.109.124
33. 7x
21 .7x
0.3
4.6SJ .2
to 1.3E
1
ii
H70.109.227
57. 2x
15.5x
0.3
2.8-4.15S,
0.83W
1
M
H73.140.15
24. 5x
11 .7x
0.2
Cut A
1
H
H73.140.12
Frags
0.2
Cut A
1
H
H73.140.19
23. 3x
16. 7x
0.3
Cut A
1
ii
M
H73.140.105
H73.140.104
Frags
24. 8x
16. lx
0.3
Fold
2.3
Cut C
Cut C
1
1
ii
mto in1)
3d .UX
1 9 . 1 X
U . 3
LUt L
1
H
H73.140.100
27. 8x
12. 7x
0.2
Cut C
1
H
H73. 140.99
37. 6x
15. 7x
0.2
Cut C
1
LEAD FOIL,
GENERAL DISTRIBUTION
5 10
Pencil Lead
H70.109.160
8.8x
Diam.
2.0
1 .83S,1 .62E
1
Bone Sha-
ving Brush
Handle
H73.140.228
18.0
18.0
2.0
Cut A
1
Knife Inlay
H73.140.118
22.7
10.0
1 .0
Cut C
1
Comb Frag.
H70.109.134
26. 8x
5.0
0.8
1 .45S,1 .45E
1
ii
H70.109.191
27. 5x
5.0
0.7
2.64S,2.55E
1
H70.109.140
21 .Ox
5.0
0.8
1 .65S.1 .09E
1
ii
H73.140.27
26. lx
4.9
0.6
Cut A
1
- 397 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C26 C2W RP FP C2E D
Comb Frag. H73. 140.108 21.5x3.0 0.8 Cut C 1
H70.109.209 14. 4x 2.9 0.8 12.75S,2.4E 1
COMB FRAGMENTS, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION — 4 2
TRANSPORTATION
Horseshoe H70.109.220 61.2 5.1 2.8 17.23S,
Nail 9.3 6.7 8.1 1 .62E, Out.
S. Wall
Leather
Fragment
H73.
.140.
21
146.6 20.1
X
4.
.0
Cut A
1
ii
H73.
140.
22
61. 8x 21.1
3,
.4
Cut A
1
ii
H73.
.140.
23
72. lx 16.3
3.
.2
Cut A
1
H
H73.
140.
24
33. 7x 16.3
3,
,5
Cut A
1
n
H73.
140.
25
Fragments
Cut A
1
CLOTHING AND
ORNAMENTATION
Cloth Frag.
H73.
,140.
34
Treated
Cut B
1
ii
H73.
.140.
35
Treated
Cut B
1
Buttons
Glass Button
Type 4
H73.
.140.
113
11.4
4,
.8
Cut C
1
Shell Button
Type 1
H70.
.109.
253
10.9
1 .
.8
17.87S,
2.27E, Out.
S. Wall
1
Shell Button
Type 5
H73,
.140.
112
13.3
3.
.3
Cut C
1
Shell Button
Type 6
H73
.140.
18
8.3
1 ,
.6
Cut A
1
Bone Button
H73
.140.
110
19.2
2,
.4
Cut C
1
Type 1
- 398 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Bone Button H73. 140.49 17.0 2.2 Cut B 1
Type 1
Bone Button H73.140.lll 18.0 2.0 Cut C 1
Type 5
Diam.
"Birdcage" H73.140.109 12.8 1.2 Cut C 1
Metal But-
ton, Type 4a
BUTTONS, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION — 1 7 —
Beads
Diam.
Cornal ine
d 'Aleppo
Beads
H73.140.
167
1
.8
3.1
Cut C
1
H
H73.140.
168
1
.8
2.7
Cut C
1
H73.140.
169
2
.6
2.9
Cut C
1
ii
H73.140.
170
1
.5
2.8
Cut C
1
Small Blue
Glass Beads
Various
0
2
.9-
.2
Diam.
1 .4-
3.0
Perf.
0.9-
1.2
Various
14 46
Small Green
Glass Bead
H73.140.
60
1
.0
1 .6
<1 .0
Cut B
1
Small Pink
Glass Bead
H70.109.
157
1
.3
1 .4
<1 .0
11 .33S,
0.91E
1
Dark Blue
Spherical
Bead
H73.140.
175
7
.5
9.4
2.2
Cut C
1
Blue Spheri-
cal Frag.
H73.140.
20
6
.0
7.4
1 .4?
Cut A
1
Robin's Egg
H73.140.
,171
5
.0
5.8?
1 .6
Cut C
1
Blue Spheri-
cal Bead
- 399 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Blue-Green
H73.
,140.172
.__
—
.__
Cut
C
1
Spherical
r r dyiHcii l
u i am .
Pprf
rci i
Blue Glass
H73.
140.173
5.6
5.7
3.1
Cut
C
1
Facetted
DtruU
Green Glass
H73.
140.174
14.0
10.0
>1 .0?
Cut
C
1
Fa r pt t pd
race l l cr u
Fragment
Clear Glass
H73.
140.17
7.4
8.4
2.6
Cut
A
1
Facetted
Bead
CORNALINE D'ALEPPO BEADS, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION — — 4
SMALL (SEED) BEADS, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION - 15 47
LARGE BEADS, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION — — 7
BEADS, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION 15 58
Diam. Th.
Ring Stone H73.140.ll 14.5 6.4 Cut A
NATIVE INDUSTRIES
Projectile H73.140.115 16.5 12.3 3.7 Cut C
Point
Projectile H73. 140.47 15. 5x 13.7 4.4 Cut B
Point
Quartz Flk. H70.109.114 58.0 38.8 17.8 6.0N,4.7W 1
or Core
Quartzite H73.140.114 18.0 17.0 4.5 Cut B
Flake
Quartz Core? H73. 140.48 67.7 44.6 26.4 Cut B
Flake? H70.109.171A 15.3 6.8 2.0 2.84S,
4.32E
- 400 -
ARTIFACT NUMBER L W TH GRID LOC C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Flake? H70. 109. 1 71 B 10.1 6.3 1.0 2.84S, 1
4.32E
H73.140.129 15.1 12.3 2.9 Cut C 1
H73. 140.44? 13.5 8.7 5.5 Cut B 1
H73. 140.45? 12.8 8.3 3.7 Cut B 1
CHIPPED STONE, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION 1 2 7 —
DISTRIBUTION BY FUNCTIONAL CATEGORY
HUNTING — 14 453 —
CONSTRUCTION AND BLACKSMITHING 1 37 73 2 5 7
DOMESTIC AND HOUSEHOLD 3 34 32 1 11
TRANSPORTATION — 1 5 —
RECREATION — — — —
CLOTHING AND ORNAMENT — 16 67 —
NATIVE INDUSTRIES 1 2 7 —
TOTALS (763 Items)
5 104 637 3 6 8
- 401 -
TABLE 14
FAUNAL MATERIAL FROM CABIN 2
Species & Element Portion R/L Cut Tth Brn Grid Lo C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Unit No. Mk
LARGE
MAMMALS
Bison (Bison
bison)
H73.140.C
Caudal
Vert.
Comp.
Cut
C
2
(fetal)?
(bison?)
Thor.
Vert.
In 4 Epi-
pheses
Cut
C
1
H73.140.A
Rib
Frags.
Cut
A
3
H73.140.C
Femur
Distal R
Cut
C
1
ii
Ulna
Prox. L
Cut
C
1
ii
Ulnar
Carpal
Distal ?
Cut
C
1
BISON, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION
Large Unid.
Mammals
(Bison?)
H70.109.144C Spin. Distal
Proc .
H70.109.200 " Prox.
H70.109.229A,D " Prox.
H70.109.214C " Distal
H70.109.214D " Distal
H71.107.70 Rib Medial
- x x
X
X X
ON.OE
0N,0E 1
10S,25E 1
15S.0E 1
15S.0E 1
10NJ0E 1
- 402 -
Species & Element Portion R/L Cut Tth Brn Grid Lo C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Unit No. Mk
Large Unid.
Mammals
(Bison?)
H70.109.229J Rib Medial x 10S,25E 1
H70. 109.228B " Medial 0S,5W 1
H70.109.156B Scapula Medial 10S,0E 1
231A " Medial 15S,0E 1
H70.109.144B Long B Epiph x OS.OE 1
Various " Medial 6 2 5 Various 19 47 2
7
Numbers
Ephiph. 1 1 1
H73.140.A B. Frags ? ? 12 6 7 Cut A 142
H73.140.B " ? ? 8 13 Cut B 130
H73.140.C " ? ? 22 8 24 Cut C 445
TOTALS, LARGE MAMMALS, UNIDENTIFIED (BISON?) 23 56 717
7
Large~Med .
Mammals ,
Unid.
H73.140.C Vert. Frags. Cut C
(Deer Size)
H73.140.C Rib Prox. Cut C
(Dog Size)
SMALL MAMMALS
Snowshoe Hare
( Lepus ameri-
canus)
H73.140.A Nasal ? — Cut A
- 403 -
Species & Element Portion R/L Cut Tth Brn Grid Lo C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Unit No. Mk
Snowshoe Hare
( Lepus ameri-
canus)
H73.140.C " Comp. ? Cut C 1
H73.140.A Mand. Distal R Cut A 1
H73.140.C " Prox. R Cut C 1
H73.140.C Crania Cut C 5
Frags .
H73.140.A Vert. Comp. Cut A 1
H73.140.B Vert. Comp. Cut B 1
H73.140.C " " Cut C 5
H73.140.C Ribs [?] Cut C 5
H73.140.C Inomi- Frag. ? Cut C 1
nate
H73.140.C Scap. [?] L Cut C 1
H73.140.C " [?] R Cut C 1
H73.140.C " [?] R Cut C 1
H73.140.C Femur Ball ? Cut C 1
H73.140.C Humerus Frag. ? Cut C 1
H73.140.C Carpal Frag. ? Cut C 1
SNOWSHOE HARE, GENERAL DISTRIBUTION — - 28 -
Muskrat
(Ondatra
zibethicus)
H73.140.C Inomi- Medial R Cut C
nate
H73.140.A Scapula Prox. R Cut A
- 404 -
Species & Element Portion R/L Cut Tth Brn Grid Lo C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Unit No. Mk
Muskrat
(Ondatra
zibethicus)
H73.140.C Femur Prox. R Cut C 1
H73.140.C Femur Epiph. R Cut C 1
H73.140.A Humerus Distal R Cut A 1
Small Mammals
Unid. (Snow-
shoe Hare?)
H70.109.213E Long B. Medial 10S,5E 1
[?]
H70.109.170A Long B. Medial R 0N,5W 1
H70.109.156A " " 10S,0E 1
Slightly
Larger
H70. 109. 178.1 Occip. Distal L 0N,0E, 1
Condyle SE 1/4
Unid.
H70. 109. 118.1 Scapula Medial 0NJ5E 1
H73.140.A Bone ? ? Cut A 3
Frags.
H73.140.B " ? ? Cut B 12
H73.140.C " ? ? Cut C 23
TOTAL, SMALL MAMMALS, UNIDENTIFIED - 5 39 -
BIRDS
Canada Goose
(Branta
canadensis)
H73.140.C Vert. Comp. — Cut C
- 405 -
Species & Element Portion R/L Cut Tth Brn Grid Lo C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Unit No. Mk
Canada Goose
(Branta
canadensis)
H73.140.C Furcula Near. Cut C 1
or Clav Comp.
Snow Goose
(Chen caeru-
lescens)
H70.109.213A Humerus Prox. R 10S,5E & 1
10E
Sharp-Tai led
Grouse ( Pedio-
cetes phasia-
nel lus) (Pos-
sible)
H73.140.B Carina Distal Cut B 1
of
Sternum
H73.140.B Femur Distal ? Cut B 1
Unid. Bird,
ca. Yellow-
Headed Black-
Bird Size
(Order Pas-
serif ormes ,
Family Icteri-
dae)
H70.109.281D Tarsal Comp. 0N.25E 1
Unid. Birds
H73.140.A Frag. ? ? Cut A 1
H73.140.C Frags. ? ? Cut C 25
TOTAL BIRDS 1 1 30
~ 406 -
Species & Element Portion R/L Cut Tth Brn Grid Lo C2G C2W RP FP C2E D
Unit No. Mk
AMPHIBIANS
Wood Frog?
H70.109.214 Scapula Prox. R 15S,0E 1
TOTAL BONE DISTRIBUTION
23 63 828 - 2 7
- 407 -
TABLE 15
DISTRIBUTION OF SHOT SIZES, CABIN 2
Distribution by .05 mm Increments Clustering
Si ze
Mn
IMO .
Size
Mn
O 1 Z.C
o 1 Lk: Rally c
IMU .
7 70
1
1
0 . H- J
n
U
a ?o
1 D
? 70-? AO
C . / U t. . OU
7
7 7S
7
c
1 SO
o
4 ?S
1
1
? RS-2 Q5
1 5
7 ftO
c . ou
A
*+
1 ss
J. JJ
n
u
4 TO
" . ou
Q
j
1 00-1 10
«J . UU Ji IU
1 1 9
7 AS
A
t
O . DU
1
4 ?S
1
I
1 7?
i / -j
2.90
8
3.65
0
4.40
3
3.30-3.40
61
2.95
3
3.70
2
4.45
2
3.45-355
3
^ oo
1 75
o
u
4 50
o
q fiO-l 70
O • UU U . f u
«j
3.05
21
3.80
4
4.55
4
3.75-3.85
4
3.10
66
3.85
0
4.60
5
3.90-4.00
2
3.15
26
3.90
0
4.65
2
4.05-4.15
9
3.20
105
3.95
0
4.70
3
4.20-4.30
25
3.25
42
4.00
2
4.75
0
4.35-4.45
6
3.30
51
4.05
1
4.80
1
4.50-4.60
12
3.35
4
4.10
7
4.65-4.75
5
3.40
6
4.15
1
Total
445
4.80-4.90
1
Total Shot
445*
Note that total varies slightly from figure in text.
TABLE 16
DISTRIBUTION OF SHOT BY STANDARD SIZES, CABIN 2
Montreal Rolling Mill Co. Sizes (Greener 1910; Logan 1959
Size Diameter (mm) Pellets/Ounce Number
Total Shot 444
- 408 -
TABLE 17
RANKING OF FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES,
CABIN 1 AND CABIN 2
RANK CABIN 1
CABIN 2
CABIN 1 AND 2 NUMBERS
1 Construction and
Blacksmithing
2 Domestic, House-
hold Activities
3 Clothing and
Ornament
4 Hunting
5 Transportation *
6 Recreation *
7 Native Industries
Hunting
Construction and
Blacksmithing
Clothing and
Ornament
Domestic House-
hold Activities
Native Industries
Transportation
Recreation
Hunting
Clothing and
Ornament
470
Construction and 211
Blacksmithing
Domestic, House- 129
hold Activities
95
Native Industries 11
Transportation 8
Recreation 2
TOTAL 926
Numbers are equal .
- 409 -
TABLE 18
COMPARISON OF FREQUENCY OF CERTAIN COPELAND PATTERNS IN
NINETEENTH CENTURY WESTERN CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES
Sites
00
o
o
i—
SO
SO
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r>
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s:
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3
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7T
rt
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rt
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r+
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00
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rt
c
—
c
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cr
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rt
00
=3
3
— 1
00
00
<x>
O
n>
00
00
00
a>
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rt
00
00
-5
—J
3>
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rt
00
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CO
CO
<D
oo
00
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•— i
1—4
0J
00
00
o
o
on
CD
_i
00
0J
-h
r+
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00
1— 1
00
on
r+
rt
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3
0J
00
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O
a.
U1
3
00
00
00
CL
00
m
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00
CT>
00
00
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00
0/1
CT>
-P»
oO
00
00
00
i\J
o
o
c+
rt
r+
0J
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rt
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r+
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00
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00
• — I
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00
U1
en
rt
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00
00
on
Alhambra x x xx xx6 46 5
Beverly x x 2 15 9
British x x xxx xx7 54 4
Flowers
B 700 x x xxx xxx8 62 3
B772 xxxxx x x x x x x x 12921
Continental x xxxxxxxxxxl!85 2
Views
Corinthian x x 2 5 9
- 410 -
Sites
00
CO
Flower Vase xxxx xxxxxxxxl2 92 1
Grapevine x xxxx 5 38 6
Honeysuckle x x xxxxx x 8 62 3
Ivy xx x x x x x x x x x 1185 2
Meander x x x 3 23 8
Osborne x x x 3 23 8
Pagoda x xx xxxx x 8 62 3
Pergola x x x x 4 31 7
Ruins xx xx x xxx8 62 3
-411 -
Sites
Turco
Violet
xxx
x
4 31 7
3 23 8
No. of Simi- 18 5 3 6 5 6 12 14 15 6 6 13 8
lar Patterns
Comparative 100 28 17 33 28 33 67 78 83 33 33 72 44
Frequency
in per cent
THE BUFFALO LAKE METIS SITE - ERRATA
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National Library of Canada
Bibliotheque nationale du Canada
3 3286 52332289 5
PROVINCIAL MUSEUM OF ALBERTA
HUMAN HISTORY OCCASIONAL PAPERS
1. Faunal remains from Fort White Earth, NWCo. (1810-1813). Prepared by
Isobel Hurlburt, pp. 107, 1977.
2. The Boss Hill Site (FdPe 4) Locality 2: Pre-Archaic Manifestations in The
Parkland of Central Alberta, Canada. Prepared by Maurice F.V. Doll, pp. 225,
1982.
3. Archaeological Excavations at the Probable Site of the First Fort Edmonton or
Fort Augustus, 1 795 to Early 1 800s. Prepared by Robert S. Kidd, pp. 1 49, 1 987.
4. The Buffalo Lake Metis Site: A Late Nineteenth Century Settlement in the
Parkland of Central Alberta. Prepared by Maurice F.V. Doll, Robert S. Kidd, and
John P. Day, pp. 411, 1988.
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